Agrarian structure,foreign investment in land,and land prices in Brazil

The recent global rush for farmland in Latin America has produced a dramatic increase in the level of foreign investment in land in Brazil. The current trend accentuates the ongoing process of foreignization of agriculture associated with the production of grains, sugar, ethanol and other commodities, increasing land prices. In response, the Brazilian government reestablished a legal mechanism for ‘controlling’ land-based foreign investment which has proven neither efficient nor effective in solving land concentration. This paper examines this issue by analyzing the causes of the increase in investment as well as the consequences of this process with respect to land prices, critically situating land-based investments and the government's policy response in a broader discussion of the demands of agrarian social movements.     

不求所有 但求所在——东莞市非公有制经济扮演重要角色

东莞的经济 2 0多年来保持持续、稳定、快速发展的态势 ,非公有制经济起了举足轻重的作用。而非公有制经济所以有了迅速的发展 ,一个重要的原因就是当地的政府营造了一个各种经济成分适宜发展的环境 ,提供了公平竞争的机会。     

论法律移植与法律融合

在中外法制史上,法律移植与法律融合是非常普遍的现象,是各国法律建设中的一个重要的内容。印度和日本移植外来法的政治、社会、文化奈件不同,所走的道路也存在较大差异,但比较两国移植外来法,改造本土法,使两者并存融合的过程,仍可总结成功的经验和共同的规律。     

Can non-democracies support international democracy? Turkey as a case study

Abstract

In recent years, there has been a rise of interest in the concept of autocracy promotion, with scholars questioning whether the efforts by authoritarian governments to influence political transitions beyond their borders are necessarily pro-authoritarian. An extension of this question is whether some authoritarian governments may at times find it in their interest to support democracy abroad. This article aims to answer this question by focusing on the case of Turkey. It argues that, despite its rapidly deteriorating democracy since the late 2000s, Turkey has undertaken democracy support policies with the explicit goal of democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region during the Arab Spring and, while not bearing the intention of democratic transition, has employed democracy support instruments in the form of state-building in sub-Saharan Africa since 2005 to the present day. Based on original fieldwork, the article finds that non-democracies can turn out as democracy supporters, if and when opportunities for strategic gains from democratisation abroad arise. The article further suggests that even in those cases where strategic interests do not necessitate regime change, a non-democracy may still deploy democracy support instruments to pursue its narrow interests, without adhering to an agenda for democratic transition.     

Trump and the End of an Era? The Liberal International Order in Perspective

ABSTRACT

The liberal international economic and political order which the United States created from the ashes of World War II and has since led is in trouble. To United States President Donald Trump, the order which provided the framework under which sovereign states agreed to follow a rules-based system of economic and political cooperation and shared multilateral governance, has not only allowed other nations (in particular, China) to take advantage of US ‘magnanimity’, but also weakened the United States economically, while asymmetric alliances compromised its military advantages. Given the sustained assault this cosmopolitan order is facing, many fear that it may not survive if Trump is re-elected in November 2020. Indeed, if the United States response to the COVID-19 pandemic is any guide, an ‘America First’ agenda, especially a hard-line approach to China, will shape US policy if Trump wins a second term.     

Domestic Contestation and Presidential Prerogative in Colombian Foreign Policy

The study of Colombian foreign policy emphasises external constraints and presidential prerogative in foreign policymaking. Drawing on insights from recent foreign policy analysis literature and evidence from several cases (Plan Colombia, US military bases, free trade talks with China, and ICJ arbitration of a maritime border with Nicaragua), this article challenges commonplace presidentialist assumptions. A novel model of ‘contested presidentialism’ better captures how Colombian domestic actors mobilise to raise political costs to block or modify presidential preferences. When the opposition fails to raise costs, presidentialist assumptions apply. Otherwise, presidents respond strategically by abandoning policies or substituting second-best alternatives.     

The West’s Policeman? Assessing Italy’s Status in Global Peacekeeping

ABSTRACT

Since the 1960s, and especially the 1980s, Italy has participated in and led numerous peace support operations (PSOs), predominantly under the aegis of international organisations. Italy’s participation in PSOs authorised by the UN, the EU, NATO and other multilateral agreements stems from a combination of national interest and humanitarianism/multilateralism. However, although acknowledged as a significant contributor, a clear assessment of its status in global peacekeeping is still missing. In fact, Italy plays a role that is comparatively greater than all Western nations in the international fora taken into account, and, as such, can be described as ‘the West’s policeman’, from both a quantitative (number of troops) and qualitative (role within the missions) perspective. This might be somewhat curbed in the future, however, due to some of the country’s limitations on foreign policy.     

发达国家发展循环经济的历程及启示

走可持续发展之路是人类对未来发展的共识，发展循环经济则是实现资源节约、减少环境污染和实现可持续发展的科学途径。认识国外的发达国家的发展历程，结合中国的实际情况，深入提高循环经济是个系统的整体的可持续的发展模式，是系统构建和谐社会发展的必由之路。     

西部投资法律制度之缺陷与完善略论

西部大开发所面临的主要问题是投资问题 ,国家投资不足、民间投资总量少且效益低是制约西部社会经济发展的主要因素。西部投资法律制度由国家与西部各地有关西部国内投资的法律制度和外商投资的法律制度组成 ,它们均存在不利于西部发展的重要缺陷。作者提出了完善西部国内民间投资、外商投资和国家公共投资三方面法律制度的价值取向与基本措施。     

商标名中的洋化现象考察 --以北京地区为例

商标名中的洋化现象是一个不争的语言事实,文章以北京地区商标名中存在的洋化现象为考察对象,指出洋化现象在商标名中的表现,从结构上、文字上对洋化名进行了分析,进一步指出存在的问题,并对洋化现象产生原因及发展进行了探讨.