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271.
本文基于我国具有代表性的14家国内银行1991-2004年的时间序列数据,对外资银行进入对我国银行市场集中度的影响进行了定量实证研究。结果表明:外资银行进入对我国银行业人民币存贷款集中度、外汇存贷款集中度的影响并不显著,但是从整体来看,外资银行资产份额比外资银行数目对我国银行业集中度的影响要大。最后,文章提出了实证结论和相应的对策建议。 相似文献
272.
Benjamin K. Sovacool 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(2):101-122
The American electric utility industry is entering a moment of transition. Once viewed as a stable and secure consortium of
publicly regulated monopolies that produce and distribute electricity, the industry has weathered market restructuring only
to face the ever-present risk of natural disasters, price fluctuations, terrorist attacks, and blackouts. This paper uses
five criteria—technical feasibility, cost, negative externalities, reliability, and security—to evaluate the broad portfolio
of energy technologies available to American electricity policymakers. Upon close inspection, energy efficiency practices,
renewable energy systems, and small-scale distributed generation technologies appear to offer many advantages over large and
centralized nuclear and fossil fueled generators. Contrary to the mimetic commentary produced by the media, these three approaches
would present policymakers a superior alternative for curbing electricity demand, minimizing the risk of fuel interruptions
and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network, and reducing environmental harm 相似文献
273.
传统的政策规划与政策分析研究,很少将注意力放在公共问题的本质及界定上。从上世纪八十年代起,一些美国公共政策研究学者开始将目光转向关注公共问题的界定方式与政策分析各个环节的关系。这种通过公共问题界定来分析政策过程的视角,对理解议程变化、政策变迁、政策评估等方面都具有重要意义。 相似文献
274.
MATTHEW TAYLOR 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(1):21-31
This article tells the story of the Liberal Democrats from the final days of the Liberal/SDP Alliance to the general election of 1992. Drawing on the author's roles as an MP and as chair of the party's communications operations, it examines the factors that contributed to the party's troubled birth in 1988, and gives an insider's view on how the party survived to grow in the years after 1990. Key issues include the branding of the party and the development of its policy of paying for improvements to education through increasing income tax. It also lays stress on the importance of the party's activist base and its central campaigns expertise in not only surviving in local elections, but also in securing key by-election victories. 相似文献
275.
RICHARD S. GRAYSON 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(1):32-39
Liberal Democrat policy has been labelled as social democratic, yet the party has been reluctant to so describe itself. Taking Crosland's The Future of Socialism as a reference point, there appears to be much shared ground between social democracy and Liberal Democrat policy. Meanwhile, the party's tax policy adopted in 2006 takes the Croslandite approach of taxing wealth rather than income. Despite this, the article argues that the party is a social liberal rather than a social democratic one. These two political philosophies have so much in common that it is understandable that some commentators see the influence of social democracy where they might instead perceive social liberalism. Yet the two differ in their attitudes to the state. Both see a positive role for the state in furthering social goods. However, social liberalism shares classical liberal concerns about the dangers of an over-mighty state. This approach underpins Liberal Democrat policy. 相似文献
276.
Andrew L. Oros 《政策研究评论》2007,24(1):29-48
On December 25, 1998 the Japanese government reinterpreted a long‐standing policy prohibiting the use of outer space for military purposes by announcing its intention to develop a network of domestically produced and deployed “information‐gathering” satellites to be utilized primarily by the Japan Defense Agency (JDA) and other national security institutions. This decision is important in its own right—for one, Japan is a major player in the space technology arena—but also because of the precedent it sets for other areas of technology and military policy in Japan today. As many observers have noted, Japan appears to be undergoing a broad reexamination both of its view of the appropriate level of interaction between government bureaucracy and industry and of its military security strategy in the first decade of the twenty‐first century. The case of surveillance satellites links these two areas together, offering broader lessons for the course of Japanese policy in numerous areas in the future. 相似文献
277.
Michael T. Coventry 《政策研究评论》2007,24(2):97-117
Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions. 相似文献
278.
Mark Wickham 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(1):38-51
Despite widespread adoption of Porter's Industrial Cluster Theory as a policy development framework by federal and state governments over the past decade, Australia remains significantly below the OECD average in terms of its industries' economic contributions to real wealth creation ( Brown 2000 ; OECD 1998 ). The major cause cited for this relatively poor performance has been inability of key government officials to implement effective industry policy that simultaneously avoids de facto protectionism and distortion of competition. This article provides an insight into the key policy decisions undertaken by the Tasmanian state government that coincided with development of an internationally successful shipbuilding industry in that state. As such, this article provides a reflection on policy initiatives that may be valuable for government officials elsewhere. 相似文献
279.
In 2003 the policy development process in Bosnia and Herzegovina was characterised by international community (IC) dominance. The IC provided the vast majority of the analysis of problems facing the country and drafted many of the laws. This article documents developments from fall 2003 to fall 2006 in the use of evidence and analysis in the policy development process and the role of local policy research organisations (PROs—often called think tanks) in it. The likely relation between these changes and the activities of a PRO mentoring project that operated over the same period is also assessed. Evidence comes as a series of interviews in both years with government officials and members of parliament, on the one hand, and leaders of PROs and advocacy NGOs on the other. The broad picture that emerges from the above review is of a substantial positive development in the policy development process in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the period. Factual evidence and analysis are playing a much greater role, and PROs have been a major provider of this information. The evidence indicates that PROs have been successful in convincing the policy community that they are purveyors of objective, disinterested advice and analysis. The improvements occurred in a conducive environment that steadily placed greater responsibility for policy formation on Bosnian officials. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
280.
田志熙 《中共山西省委党校学报》2008,31(5):40-42
知识分子政策是党的政策的重要组成部分。20世纪50年代我国知识分子政策出现失误的主要原因有:一是知识分子问题上的“左倾”思想根源,二是没有制定科学的知识分子政策,三是在全社会没有形成尊重知识、尊重人才的良好风气。因此,制定正确的知识分子政策,重视和发挥广大知识分子的聪明才智和作用,关系到中国社会主义现代化建设的进程和改革开放事业的成败,也关系到中华民族的盛衰。 相似文献