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911.
因和解内涵的理解差异,刑事和解案件范围在立法、司法与学界存在严重分歧。刑事和解案件范围的确定应当立足于刑事和解内涵的重新厘定以及刑事和解与刑事政策在案件处理方面的差别。当刑事和解建立在当事人双方达成谅解而致起诉权的放弃与加害人刑事可罚性降低的前提下,它只能适用于存在被害人的自诉案件与公诉案件,而且,应当遵循宪法原则、平等原则下的差别原则及公序良俗确定其中的个罪能否和解。  相似文献   
912.
刑事政策作为指导和调控刑事立法和刑事司法的观念性产物,在发展市场经济、建设和谐社会的当代中国,以刑法所不具有的灵活性而越来越受到学界的关注。刑事政策的制定和实施受到各方面因素的影响,而在诸因素中,经济因素是最具有决定性的。经济变化的快慢以及经济建设环境的好坏,对刑事政策的发展都具有关键性的引导作用。刑事政策的目的完结有赖于经济的发展和引导功能的发挥。探讨经济变化与刑事政策的关系,对于构筑符合时代要求的刑事政策体系,具有现实意义。  相似文献   
913.
20世纪90年代初中俄签订互免签证协议后,大量中国人跨过边界来到俄罗斯寻找致富机会,这引起俄罗斯政府的恐慌和担心,开始对中国人逐渐实行越来越严格的移民政策。这些法律和规定为赴俄的中国人合法居留和就业筑起难以逾越的障碍,将大多数劳动移民排挤到非法领域。严格的移民政策影响了两国的经济贸易发展,我们应该采取相应的针对性措施改善目前状况,促使中俄两国关系稳步发展。  相似文献   
914.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):275-295

The nexus of economic and political relations is a central issue in international relations, and the influence of political liberalization upon trade ties lies at the center of much liberal theory. However, many facets of the empirical linkage between political liberalization—including democratization and the respect for human rights—and trade remain uninvestigated. Examining the case of U.S.‐Africa trade, this study considers two unexplored facets of these political determinants of trade: (1) the role of human rights conditions, and (2) the robustness of the relationship between democracy, human rights, and trade across a subset of vertical dyads. Using a gravity model to assess trade patterns, we find that neither democracy nor human rights conditions has a significant impact upon U.S. trade to Africa.  相似文献   
915.
Editor's Note     
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):241-242
Most scholars explain political interactions within OPEC countries with reference to clusters of economic and political variables. In this paper, we use dyadic interaction data to describe the frequency and affective orientation between OPEC pairs. Explanations for the prominent trends within the four time periods are offered. The analysis suggests that no combination of political or economic factors explain consistently the coalitions and cleavages within OPEC between 1959 and 1974.  相似文献   
916.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):617-637
ABSTRACT

A diverse group of over 30 countries located all over the world—such as the UK, Colombia, and Ghana—introduced inflation targeting, which is a monetary policy that seeks to control inflation through a pre-announced target. Fully institutionalized democracies adopted the policy first because the core features of inflation targeting are consistent with the principles of a liberal democracy. But why was inflation targeting also introduced by less-democratic countries? This article develops the argument that decision makers of less-democratic countries became more likely to adopt inflation targeting when they observed that nearby countries increased the flexibility of the policy. The statistical analysis of data from 76 countries between 1989 and 2013 supports this hypothesis. The finding that the change of a policy toward a more flexible framework drives its global spread addresses a blind spot in the more recent policy diffusion literature.  相似文献   
917.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(5):917-932
ABSTRACT

One of the great questions for scholars of international relations and economics concerns the relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the natural environment. Does membership in the multilateral trade regime constrain environmental regulation and increase the environmental burden of national economies? Do countries pay a heavy environmental price for trade liberalization? Although this question has been debated extensively, there is little statistical evidence to contribute the debate. We provide a comprehensive statistical analysis of the environmental effects of joining the multilateral trade regime. We collected data on a variety of environmental policies, institutions, and outcomes that should be influenced by the General Agreementon Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/WTO membership if the predictions of environmental pessimists or optimists are valid. A wide range of statistical models designed to identify the causal effect of the GATT/WTO on the environmental indicators shows that joining the GATT/WTO does not have negative effects on environmental quality.  相似文献   
918.
ABSTRACT

Since the 2003 regime change in Iraq and the 2011 Arab uprisings, the political map of the Middle East has been in flux. Regional actors have taken advantage of emerging windows of opportunity, which have affected the outcome of this process. Saudi Arabia’s role as an aspiring regional hegemon in the region is salient: the country’s assertive course in shaping its neighbourhood coincides with a more independent foreign policy that goes beyond the traditional US alliance and seeks to diversify its international partners. This diversification of Saudi foreign policy since the ascension to the throne of King Salman in 2015 is explained by using the IR concept of hedging.  相似文献   
919.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):99-117
How does foreign direct investment (FDI) affect the use of economic coercion? This article argues that while FDI matters, the effect depends on the entry mode of the FDI. The economic interdependence created by FDI does not have a monotonic effect on economic statecraft because the relative costs incurred by economic disruption differ depending on the forms of foreign investment. In particular, the FDI that creates wholly-owned subsidiaries (for example, cross-border mergers and aquisitions) imposes greater costs to the sender's firms than cross-border joint ventures with local partners, while FDI through joint ventures incurs greater costs for the host than the home country and its firms. By utilizing US sanction episodes from the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions (TIES) dataset, the empirical analysis supports the argument. The results show that economic sanctions are less likely to occur as the share of FDI through cross-border mergers and acquisitions increases.  相似文献   
920.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):292-315
The article explores how International Monetary Fund (IMF) program design influences foreign direct investment inflows. The author argues that stricter IMF conditionality signals a program-participating government's commitment to economic reforms, as it incurs larger ex ante political cost and risks greater ex post political cost. Thus, the catalytic effect of an IMF program is conditional on conditionality: programs with stricter conditions catalyze more foreign direct investment than those with less stringent conditions. Empirical analysis of the IMF conditionality dataset supports the argument and shows that after accounting for IMF program participation, the more structural conditions included in an IMF program, the more foreign direct investment flows into the country.  相似文献   
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