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171.
如果说,西方伦理是从属于基督教、是基督教派生的,上帝之死会导致伦理价值的崩溃;那么,儒家伦理则是由现实的血缘关系出发的一种准宗教文化建构.虽然“儒教”并非宗教而是一种伦理教化,然而,这种伦理教化却具有宗教的功能.它既能够慰藉个体的孤独情怀,又能以伦理架构的整体性超越死亡.儒家的伦理本位与基督教的上帝本位导致中西文化很多方面的不同,无论是将个体生命融入家国族类的整体、追求现世的自我还善,还是五四反传统的传统动因,都打上了儒家伦理的深刻印记. 相似文献
172.
本文选取华中地区一高校,采用顺序式解释性混合研究设计来探讨大学生薪水期望的性别差异问题。通过问卷调查,笔者发现男大学生对第一份工作的薪水期望显著高于女大学生。结合问卷调查结果和深度访谈资料,本文认为大学生薪水期望的性别差异与大学生的家庭性别角色观念有着比较密切的联系。本研究发现:即使受过高等教育,大学生仍然持有一些传统的家庭性别角色观念,如他们认为男性应该主要承担养家户口的责任;而女性则无须承担此责任,她们成家后的重心应该在家庭上。最后,本文从以下3个方面来讨论此结论:传统"男主外,女主内"的家庭性别角色分工观念的影响;传统文化关于性别观念的复兴以及女大学生的主体意识薄弱。 相似文献
173.
Nicole Koenig 《European Security》2014,23(3):250-269
This paper assesses the role of the European Union in the Libyan crisis (2011) and critically considers the implications for its evolution as an international security actor. Employing role theory, the paper reviews the historical development of the Union's security actorness and sheds specific light on the balance between self-conception and external expectations in the case of the Libyan crisis. Its central argument is that, despite external expectations and European narratives of a ‘comprehensive power role’, the Libyan crisis showed that the Union still acts in line with its traditional role as a civilian power. The inability to go beyond civilian power stemmed from internal dissonance on a potential hard power role and a corresponding lack of material capabilities. The growing gap between expectations about comprehensive actorness on the one hand and performance on the other is likely to damage the Union's future credibility as an international security actor. 相似文献
174.
援助是一国外交政策的重要工具。冷战期间,美苏对外援助的主要目的是争夺盟友,对援助成效的评估主要是以过程为导向,其标准是援助的投入是否成功使受援国留在本方阵营。冷战后,西方国家内部出现援助预算的合法性危机,对援助成效的讨论也逐渐从过程导向转向结果导向。进入21世纪,联合国千年发展目标和2030年可持续发展目标为发展援助的结果评估提供了重要参照。结果导向型援助提高了中国对外援助的可见性,但其存在的弊端和南北垂直援助特征需要中国制定超越援助的新时代国际发展合作战略。联合国2030年可持续发展议程吸收了结果导向型援助的积极因素,但这也为超越该理念奠定了基础。新时代中国国际发展合作与2030年议程的深入对接为中国突破西方战略围堵和实现中华民族伟大复兴提供了重要机遇。全球发展倡议与"一带一路"倡议、人类命运共同体理念和生态文明思想共同构成中国全球发展话语权的基础,并逐步超越了结果导向型援助,为落实2030年议程指明了方向。 相似文献
175.
改革开放前,浙江的经济发展处于全国中下等水平。改革开放以来,既无资源、地缘优势,又没有获得较多的国家投资和国家给予的特殊政策的浙江迅速成长为一个全国经济大省,实现了从农业社会向工业社会的转变。浙江的工业化道路偏离了我国传统的工业化道路。浙江的工业化对内地有着巨大的示范价值。 相似文献
176.
ABSTRACT Psychological empowerment has received a burgeoning attention among scholars and practitioners in the last decades. However, little is known about its antecedents in the public sector, and even more in municipalities. The present study attempts to fill this gap by examining the relationship of leader-member exchange (LMX), role conflict and role ambiguity with employees’ psychological empowerment. Data were collected from 210 administrative employees of nine Greek municipalities. Results supported our hypotheses that these three factors constitute important antecedents of such employees’ psychological empowerment. Theoretical and practical implications were also discussed. 相似文献
177.
Jeannette Greven 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2020,14(3):410-430
In late 2008, as negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians faltered, the US directed the Jenin Initiative on the ground in the West Bank. Designed to inspire confidence in Washington’s security-driven ‘West Bank First’ strategy, the Jenin Initiative married economic development to security sector reform under the Palestinian Authority. Drawing on the perspectives of those responsible for implementing the Jenin Initiative, this article reveals how counterinsurgency doctrine transplanted from the ‘war on terror’ shaped US interventions that built capacity in the Palestinian Authority. The Jenin Initiative exposes the extent of US intervention to create an effective apparatus of Palestinian self-policing to enhance – but not replace – that of the Israeli occupation. 相似文献
178.
AbstractHow the media are organised and funded has implications on who gets to speak and the stories that are told or silenced. The critical political economy of the media approach allows an understanding of the ideologies and power structures that influence media operations, ownership, and funding. Although the critical political economy of the media remains central in understanding these issues, the approach needs to be decolonised to address the dynamics of media power from the perspective of the global south. In this paper, we explore what the theoretical contributions of decoloniality can make to the project of rethinking political economy of the media. We argue that the critical political economy approach, whose core vocabulary is Marxist, contains inherent limitations in understanding conditions of media-state relations in Africa. Decolonial thought and its recent engagement with Marxism has produced new thinking and fresh ways of reflecting the relationship between Western capitalism and modernity. We contend that this approach allows us to foreground issues of modernity, coloniality, and race and their impact on contemporary media systems in Africa. 相似文献
179.
Liad Porat 《中东研究》2018,54(2):304-321
This article is based on the hypothesis that the Egyptian institutional media played an active role in the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ revolution in 2011 and analyzes how Egypt's official newspapers constructed and presented a moderate and positive image of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter the Brotherhood) despite the fact that they had labeled the Brotherhood ‘the outlawed movement’ a year earlier. In order to examine whether their attitudes changed after the downfall of the Mubarak regime, a critical discourse analysis of newspaper texts has been made of the news columns written throughout 2011 of two of the most popular Egyptian newspapers – al-Ahram (n = 115) and al-Gumhuriyya (n = 94) both of which identify with the Egyptian government's official policy. In addition, an analysis made of three of the Brotherhood's publications (n = 72) (N = 281) revealed that the Brotherhood exploited the printed media not only to replace the regime but also to gain control of its narrative. Ultimately, by controlling the shaping of public opinion, the media contributed to the drawing of a parallel between the motivation that formed the basis of the mass protest and the Brotherhood's agenda. 相似文献
180.
Iain Pirie 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(5):671-692
Abstract Korean policy-makers constructed the global economic crisis as a purely external threat to the domestic economy. This understanding of the crisis supported a selective retreat from neo-liberalism. More problematically, the construction of the crisis as an exogenous phenomenon allowed policy-makers to focus on maintaining short-term growth without seriously addressing the structural weaknesses of the economy that the crisis should have drawn attention to. Levels of household debt in Korea have risen since the crisis and are considerably higher than in the USA. Equally, the economy remains over reliant on exports as a source of growth. 相似文献