Sweden’s Burka Ban: Policy Proposals,Problematisations, and the Production of Swedishness

ABSTRACT

Between February 2002 and November 2018, Swedish politicians from the Centre, Christian Democrat, Moderate, Liberal and Sweden Democrat parties proposed policies to ban clothing variously referred to as the “burka,” “full-covering veil,” “face veil” and “niqab” (Arabic for face veil) at least 38 times, six at the national level and thirty-two at the municipal. Research suggests that circa 100 women in Sweden wear a “burka”; clearly these policy proposals have little to do with the burka’s prevalence. What, then, do these policy proposals attempt to govern? In this text we adopt feminist political scientist Carol Bacchi’s “what is the problem represented to be?” approach to analyse Swedish bills to regulate the burka. These policy proposals, we contend, have more to do with conceptualizing Swedishness than addressing an existing “problem” of women who wear burka.     

浅议流质契约的解禁

流质契约在各国法律中的规定有所不同,允许或禁止都有其利弊,我国物权法采取了大多数大陆法系国家的做法,即禁止流质契约。文章从弥补我国现有担保方式不足以及统一立法价值角度阐述了解禁流质契约的必要性。     

仿真枪“以管代禁”刍议

由于仿真枪外形酷似真枪,容易被犯罪嫌疑人利用危害公共安全。因此,我国对仿真枪的制造、销售、进口、运输、携带、邮寄等方面都作出了禁止或限制性的规定。文章从我国仿真枪管理的现实出发,介绍了仿真枪的分类,分析了我国仿真枪管理的现状及存在的问题,通过借鉴国外相关经验,指出了仿真枪＂以管代禁＂的利弊,并从审批许可、生产、销售、携带、购买等方面,对＂以管代禁＂的可行性进行了探讨。     

Turkish civil society divided by the headscarf ban

The headscarf ban at universities and public offices in Turkey caused many debates over women's rights and freedoms. Civil society organizations, which are known as agents of democratization, have been an important part of these debates. Drawing on the literature on the relationship between civil society, democracy, and Islam, this article investigates how Islamic, Kemalist secular, and non-Kemalist secular organizations support their stance towards the headscarf ban and react to critical developments regarding the ban. The discourse of the organizations is analysed using their press releases and in-depth interviews with the presidents of the organizations. By declaring the headscarf as anti-secular, anti-modern, and oppressive, Kemalist secular organizations reproduce official state ideology. The various ways in which Islamic organizations frame their stance on the headscarf issue on the other hand suggest that Islamic organizations could be just as democratic as many other secular movements. Furthermore, the fact that non-Kemalist secular organizations are critical of the headscarf ban makes them much closer to Islamic organizations than Kemalist secular organizations.     

对“结婚禁止条件”条款的重新检视

现行婚姻法从优生学和伦理学的角度出发，规定了直系血亲及三代以内旁系血亲禁止结婚，其他则未见禁止。随着社会认识的逐渐进步，结合国外的研究成果对我国婚姻禁止条款重新检视，提出应增加：拟制直系血亲、三代以内不同辈的拟制旁系血亲禁止结婚；直系姻亲及三代以内不同辈的旁系姻亲禁止结婚；在禁止结婚条件中应明确对社会特殊群体婚姻权利的保护，使之符合婚姻家庭的本质及发展规律，从而推动中国婚姻制度的完善。     

论非营利法人从事商事活动的现实及其特殊规则

非营利法人从事商事活动是一种既存事实,也是非营利法人生存与发展的需要.要正确解读"非营利性"的含义,并根据最终目的来区分营利法人和非营利法人.与其禁止非营利法人的商事活动,不如坚守"禁止分配"原则的底线,同时要求其从事商事活动时,除了不得违背一般规则之外,还得遵循一些特殊规则.     

Politics of Evidence: The Communication of Evidence by ‘Stakeholders’ when Advocating for Tobacco Point‐of‐sale Display Bans in Australia

There is a tension in the policy field about the way that the policy process should occur and the manner in which evidence should inform policy decisions. This article presents findings from a qualitative study on the introduction of point‐of‐sale tobacco display bans in Australia to provide an insight into the way this public policy was introduced and the way that evidence was used and communicated to influence the policy outcome. This study highlights that tobacco control policy does not merely consist of a series of segmented and unconnected decisions. It is an ongoing process, whereby the acceptability of forms of knowledge has shifted over time. This has enabled the introduction of tobacco control initiatives on the basis of good judgement when there is a paucity of specific evaluation information to support a policy's introduction.     

流浪儿童乞讨权规制的法理思考

当下中国城市有一个令人痛心的图景,那就是流浪乞讨儿童的大量存在。要从根本上保障流浪乞讨儿童的权益,就要立法禁止儿童乞讨,建立起对相关人员和机构的责任追究制度,从制度上防范儿童流浪乞讨。同时,应化解在城市生活的农村户籍儿童所面临的物质和精神层面的诸种现实难题,践行保障儿童权益的国际法基本原则。     

The Turkish Constitutional Court,laicism and the headscarf issue

From 1989 onwards, the Turkish Constitutional Court justified the headscarf ban in universities by citing laicism. Interestingly, in 2014, the Court found the headscarf ban in courts unconstitutional and revoked it by again citing laicism as the main reason. How can this seemingly paradoxical practice be explained? This article traces the trajectory of the headscarf issue in Turkey by analysing and contextualising the Constitutional Court decisions. In order to explain how and why the Constitutional Court issued two opposing views of the headscarf ban, this article focuses on the changing political climate and legal developments that took place in Turkey between 2008 and 2014.     

我国药品安全“黑名单”制度探析

近年来,我国药品安全事件不断发生,人员伤亡和经济损失难以估计。如何建立严重违法者的市场退出与重点监控机制,增加责任人的违法失信成本,促进该领域的健康可持续发展,已逐步成为当前药品监管法制工作中亟待解决和备受关注的焦点问题。应推行药品安全＂黑名单＂制度,对不守法的涉药单位,加大惩治力度,严惩蓄意违法行为、完善市场禁入和退出机制,积极营造褒奖守信、惩戒失信的社会氛围,不断促进药品安全诚信体系建设和法制建设。