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91.
中国“第一夫人”的相关新闻报道不断增加,引起了越来越多女性的关注。她们对“第一夫人”新闻报道的解读不仅可以反映当代中国女性的社会地位,同时也透露了中国女性对自我身份的构建趋势。通过对以“滚雪球”的方式选取的12名《人民日报》的女性读者进行深度访谈和质性分析发现,女性对于“第一夫人”新闻报道的解读可以总结为“政治上的犹豫”“成功观念的转变”以及“矛盾的自信”3个方面。这种结果让我们发现,中国当代女性的新身份构建仍任重而道远。  相似文献   
92.
Mrs.Warren' Profession mainly tells how the relationship between Mrs.Warren and her daughter Vivie goes worse and even breaks up in the context of capitalism exploitation and oppression. Along with the ethical line of unaccomplished kinship, this article is to deconstruct its ethical knots of the ethical choice, ethical identity, and ethical confusion through presenting the ethical environment so as to explore its deep-hidden ethical root of unaccomplished good family relation ship.  相似文献   
93.
This article looks at framing strategies behind the recent Canadian Conservative government’s rhetoric on the military. Critics argue that Conservative rhetoric has politicised Canadian history and overemphasised the armed forces. Few scholars, however, have looked at the specific forms this rhetoric took and the strategies it suggested. The article presents the results of a systematic analysis of Conservative rhetoric between 2005 and 2015. It argues that three key frame alignment strategies were at the heart of the Conservative Government’s rhetoric: extension, consolidation and transformation, with truly transformative rhetoric transpiring only in the last phase. While agreeing with critics that this emphasis on the military aimed to alter perceptions of Canadian identity, the article shows that Conservative rhetoric was far from and monolithic.  相似文献   
94.
Abstract

Intentional destruction of cultural heritage is a well-known phenomenon which has been particularly exacerbated in recent times. Its common denominator is represented by the intent to persecute the communities for which that heritage represents an essential element of their cultural identity and distinctiveness. In legal terms, it produces different implications, to the point that – depending on the circumstances in which it is perpetrated – it may be qualified as a war crime, crime against humanity, violation of internationally recognised human rights, or evidence of the existence of the intent to commit genocide. Since the whole international community is seriously affected by the destruction of cultural heritage, it is indispensable that the doctrine of responsibility to protect (R2P) be put into practice seriously and effectively with the purpose of protecting humanity against the irreplaceable loss of its heritage.  相似文献   
95.
This article analyses French executives' and lawmakers' legitimisations of the intervention in Libya with the aim of understanding the discursive construction of intervention. It investigates the arguments in favour of intervention and the oppositions they were confronted with. To these arguments belong a re-evaluated democratic legacy of France, an identification with the Libyan people, and a debate on Responsibility to Protect and the rule of law in world politics, which have a broader relevance for French actorness abroad. The article applies the Essex School discourse theory and techniques from Interpretive Policy Analysis on executive speeches and parliamentary documents for structuring the debate and for estimating the strength of ideas in their interdiscursive configuration. An ideal-typical explanation of the legitimisation of intervention and of the choice of one policy over another is made. The article argues that going to war in Libya equated to a question of cultural appropriateness.  相似文献   
96.
Research examining desistance from crime (the process of decreasing offending over time) has increased over the last 20?years. However, many explanations of desistance remain somewhat exploratory. One theory in particular that is becoming more prominent includes the idea that desistance is caused by a change in identity (e.g. from deviant to pro-social). While qualitative support has been found for this proposition, prospective quantitative studies have not been conducted on this theory. This study addresses that gap by examining how pro-social identities change over time and whether these changes correspond to desistance from crime. The results of growth curve models indicate that pro-social identity increases over time and is a robust predictor of criminal behavior over the life course. These results offer support to identity theories of desistance and also provide important information for correctional programming.  相似文献   
97.
我国现有的农民工养老保险制度使农民工不能同城镇职工享有平等的养老保险权益。因此应完善法律法规;加大执法力度;改革不合理的用工制度;建立同农民工相适应的社会养老保险制度;做好统筹方面的工作;完善政策,加强宣传。  相似文献   
98.
日据时期旅行文学研究在台湾方兴未艾。台湾文论界通过对旅行日本、欧美、中国大陆的不同游记的论述,探讨日据时期台湾人身份认同的暧昧两难。台湾社会特殊的历史际遇造成其现代性具有多种不同的表现形态。  相似文献   
99.
Denghua Zhang 《圆桌》2017,106(2):197-206
Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.  相似文献   
100.
ABSTRACT

China’s rise has been accompanied by a rise in nationalism. But what are the characteristics of this nationalism now being witnessed? Does it support China’s constructive engagement with the international order, or does it seek to assert China’s supremacy? These questions lie at the hub of a rapidly expanding secondary literature on the emergence of nationalism in China and its impact on China’s foreign relations. What is, however, absent from the academic discourse is the voice of the Chinese people themselves. What are their perceptions of the nation-state, and how do these beliefs shape their views of China’s relationship with East Asia? To address this gap, we conducted a series of large-scale surveys in Beijing between 2011 and 2013 on the twinned topics of domestic nationalism and international relations. Our findings, as reported below, represent an initial attempt to answer this final and, arguably, most critical set of questions.  相似文献   
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