台商对大陆投资区位选择的影响因素分析——基于偏最小二乘回归方法的最新考证

台商对大陆投资的区位选择,受地区市场规模及其增长潜力、对外开放水平、基础设施完备程度、集聚经济状况、人力资源质量与生产成本等多方面因素的影响。针对2007年台商投资的偏最小二乘回归结果表明：除效率工资和税负水平外,其余区位因素对于台商投资有正向影响;东、中、西部地区的区位因素影响力表现出一定的差异,反映在经济发展水平不同的区域,台商亦有不同的区位决策过程;在经济转型时期,大陆各省区的集聚经济与市场发育程度最受台商关注,市场规模和潜力的影响作用尚未有足够体现,而劳动力因素对于台商投资区位选择的影响较小。     

《流浪地球》与科幻爱国主义反思

流浪地球》引发了中国科幻电影元年的讨论。这一讨论有其特殊的文化价值,我们从中发现了通过科幻电影张扬中国价值的可能性。科幻电影本质是文化工业的一种表现形式,因而它的价值必须附着于文化工业的消费性质之上,通过经济效应开辟文化道路,并巧妙地包装着主流意识形态。《流浪地球》的中国身份展现了一种特殊的爱国主义情怀,但从文化工业角度来看,这一科幻爱国主义明显还局限在国内文化市场,一旦进入国际市场,这一强烈的“中国”色彩反而削弱了它的影响力,这其实不是一种真正的爱国主义。真正的科幻爱国主义应该兼顾国内和国际文化市场两方面,寻找合适的中国文化和主流意识形态的表达手法,提升国际文化市场份额。因而,只有具有科幻国际主义视野才能造就真正的科幻爱国主义。     

Promotion of contentious agency as a rewarding movement strategy: evidence from the MST-paper industry conflicts in Brazil

The recent scholarship on social movement outcomes has called for explanations about how movements influence economic outcomes. This article demonstrates in practice how a dynamic and relational approach, coupled with a Bourdieuian analysis of social, symbolic, and territorial space, can be utilized in explaining the influence of movements in contentious politics around investment projects. Based on participant observation and comparison across the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) groups in areas of paper industry expansion, I assess the different movement strategies and their influence on pulp project outcomes. I reinterpret the ideal ‘MST model’ as constructed by specific strategies promoting contentious agency: organizing and politicizing, campaigning by heterodox framing, protesting, networking, and embedded autonomy vis-à-vis the state. A Qualitative Comparative Analysis comparing the expansion of 13 pulp holdings between 2004–2008 shows how these strategies influence investment pace. When both contentious and conventional strategies were used, movements managed to slow pulpwood plantation expansion.     

Labor History—Past,Present, and Future

ABSTRACT

While much recent literature has focused on the environmental cost of carbon fuels, these sources of energy generated large human costs in the work environment as well. Work in coal mines was famously dangerous. And while petroleum, gas extraction and refining were also risky, this paper demonstrates that they were far less dangerous than was coal, while energy productivity per worker was also higher in oil than coal. Relying in part on previously unexploited data, the paper also shows that on the eve of World War II, the human costs of energy – measured by fatalities per btu of output – were sharply less in oil and gas production than in coal mining. Thus the great twentieth century energy transition from coal to liquid and gaseous fuels reduced both the environmental and the workplace costs per unit of energy.     

沦陷时期"满业"对东北重工业的垄断

"满业"是20世纪30年代后半期到40年代前半期日本在中国东北设立的掠夺东北经济资源的超级垄断组织,全称是"满洲重工业开发株式会社",简称"满业"。"满业"是在日本政府和伪满当局及军方的大力支持下创立的垄断伪满重工业的"国策"会社,服务于日本不断扩大的侵略战争的需求。本文主要从"满业"的建立、"满业"对东北重工业的垄断、"满业"垄断东北重工业的影响三个方面进行了论述。     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

休闲产业：社会经济发展的加速器

休闲产业已经逐步发展成为新的经济增长点,在社会经济发展进程中起到越来越重要的助推作用,通过各种有效途径大力发展休闲产业对于社会经济发展意义重大。     

试析城市生活垃圾综合利用产业的发展前景

在分析我国垃圾综合利用技术现状的基础上,提出我国城市生活垃圾综合利用产业的发展方向及对策。     

经济哲学和科技哲学

国外学者一般以科学哲学为范例研究经济哲学问题,近年来国内关于经济哲学的研究也有类似的主张。本文通过科学哲学与科学和经济哲学与经济学二者关系的比较研究,认为经济哲学的学科性质不同于科学哲学,在研究对象、研究内容和研究方法方面也与科学哲学不具有相似性。     

历史文化名城文化产业与旅游产业整合创新的目标模式研究 --以云南大理为例

对云南大理的研究表明,历史文化名城是我国人民的宝贵财富,它有着独特的文化价值和社会价值.历史文化名城的文化产业,是一个具有丰富内涵的产业.名城既要弘扬民族文化,又要实现经济、社会的可持续发展,那就需要找到一个结合点.这个结合点就是在可持续发展理论指导下的现代旅游业.因为现代旅游业既要求实现经济上的可持续性,又要满足人们对文化的审美要求和实现社会、环境等方面的可持续性.