戒毒人员复吸的原因及综合干预模式探析

戒毒人员脱毒后复吸率很高,半年内复吸率一般为90%-99%。戒毒人员复吸与吸毒者自身的心理、生理因素,以及与社会、家庭环境等方面有关。寻找引发复吸的主要原因和规律,探索行之有效的预防治疗措施,是提高戒毒成功率,延长操守时间的根本途径。通过公安实践和文献调查的方法,研究我国戒毒人员复吸的相关问题,结合我国禁毒工作实际情况,适合我国国情并具有可操作性的戒毒模式应为复吸综合干预模式。     

Getting Caught and Getting Hitched: An Assessment of the Relationship Between Police Intervention,Life Chances,and Romantic Unions

Little research has assessed the link between formal police intervention, financial hardship, and the formation and quality of romantic relationships. Using data from the Rochester Youth Development Study, we contribute to this literature by examining effects of police intervention at two time points on marriage stability and romantic relationship quality. We find that police intervention during adolescence is associated with increases in financial hardship during young adulthood, which, in turn, decreases the odds of entering into a stable marriage by age 31 and the extent to which those who have a romantic relationship feel their partner is supportive. Early police intervention also is indirectly associated with a reduction in partner satisfaction and an increase in partner violence via young adult arrest. We conclude that even minimally invasive contact with the criminal justice system during adolescence has long-lasting collateral consequences in the family arena.     

危险驾驶罪犯罪构成及相关问题研究——以风险社会管理为视角

德国社会学教授乌尔利希.贝克指出,风险社会已成为当今社会的中心议题。为了实现对风险社会的管理,我国在立法上,特别是刑事立法上不断与时俱进,进行了相应的修改,危险驾驶罪作为抽象危险犯,是刑罚处罚的早期化,它是风险社会中风险控制的体现,能实现刑法的提前保护,又能充分保障人权,防止刑罚权滥用。     

论国家权力干预与公民私领域的法律保护——以“艳照门”事件为例

在"艳照门"事件中,内地国家机关对公民私下浏览和朋友间赠阅相关照片的行为进行干预。这样既没有实质上的法律依据,又缺乏必要理由,权力涉入行为实际上是对公民私领域的过度干预。这种干预会侵害到公民的权利和自由,挤压社会自主空间,同时也是国家权力资源的浪费。从理论上分析,公民权利是首位的,只有在公民个人的行为的社会危害性达到一定的程度,权力才能介入公民的私领域。我们必须在制度上作出一系列的合理安排以实现公民私领域的充分保护。     

Beyond humanitarian intervention: the new politics of peacekeeping and intervention

This article reviews patterns of peacekeeping and military intervention in the post-9/11 world. It argues that while Western states have become increasingly reluctant to engage in the types of humanitarian interventions they undertook in the 1990s, a new model of peace operations is emerging that lies in the middle ground between traditional United Nations peacekeeping and classical humanitarian intervention and combines elements of both. The emergence of this new generation of peace operations indicates that, despite the post-9/11 reluctance of Western states to intervene militarily for humanitarian purposes, there is continued momentum behind the normative shift away from an absolutist conception of state sovereignty and towards the view that the international community has a right and a duty to intervene in internal conflicts and crises.     

大学生体育课倦怠成因及干预对策探析

体育课倦怠是指大学生在体育课学习中,由于文化课学习压力、缺乏体育课学习兴趣、抑郁或兴趣转移以及重视不够等原因,而对体育课呈现出厌倦消极懈怠的态度和行为。体育课倦怠成因主要有：陈旧教育观念的影响、就业压力增大、体育教学的综合因素欠佳和较低的自我效能感。应从培养学生正确的体育健身意识、提高体育课认知、创设良好的体育课教学环境、科学的自我调节等方面对体育课倦怠进行干预。     

Protective Orders and Domestic Violence: Risk Factors for Re-Abuse

One of the few legal tools for protecting victims of domestic violence is the civil Protection Order (PO). How effective they were in preventing re-abuse was analyzed by examining court and police records from 210 couples in which female victims (or applicants) filed POs against their violent partners. Police records for 2 years prior and two years following the issuance of a PO were reviewed. Results indicated a significant decline in the probability of abuse following a PO. Prior to filing a PO, 68% of the women reported physical violence. After filing, only 23% reported physical violence. Several risk factors were assessed and it was found that very low SES women were more likely to report re-abuse as were African-Americans.     

Myanmar: analyzing problems of transition and intervention

Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council touts the 2010 elections as an important milestone on the roadmap to democracy. While the consensus among scholars is that the result is a foregone conclusion, these elections may also mark the beginning of a transition. As a transition from authoritarian rule may lead to internal chaos and result in calls for external intervention, the relevant dimensions of intervention are explored. The capabilities, interests and approaches of key external players in the context of Myanmar are identified. Both India and China have capabilities and multiple interests in Myanmar. However, the India–China rivalry and the lack of consensus around the responsibility to protect the doctrines are identified as risk factors. In spite of its shortcomings, the ASEAN Regional Forum remains the most appropriate venue to explore possible responses in case of chaos in Myanmar, which would be a tough test of its aptitude and relevance. The forum should upgrade organizational and practical capacities to respond to major crises such as a hypothetical collapse of central authority in Myanmar.     

The Evolution of Political Violence: The Case of Somalia’s Al-Shabaab

This research investigates the development and expansion of the al-Shabaab movement in Somalia from 2000 to 2013. Initially a marginal player in Somalia, by 2013 al-Shabaab had transformed into the most formidable armed opposition to challenge the nascent Somali government and its allies. During this time period they administered territory domestically, while expanding their tactical repertoire and geographic scope of attacks. After analyzing the historical conditions (2000–2006) from which al-Shabaab emerged, I explore the evolution of this organization through the use of historical process tracing. This entails looking for critical junctures on a global, national, and local level that had a dramatic impact on the future trajectory of the insurgency. The results show that harsh foreign interventions had many deleterious consequences, acting as an initial impetus for armed resistance, while also acting as a continuous source of controversy which al-Shabaab exploited to gain new recruits. Moreover, irreconcilable intra-organizational schisms also contributed to altering the future organizational decisions made by al-Shabaab. The culmination of these results engage and expand the theory of categorical terrorism, offering observations to help scholars and policy makers alike begin to re-conceptualize ways to study terrorism and political violence.     

Is the Future of SSR non-linear?

This article explores issues around security sector reform (SSR) and the involvement of the international community in peace-building. It argues that the international architecture which surrounds SSR privileges a particular form of knowledge that reflects a technocratic approach to security, and illustrates this by systematically examining the literature. Research on the literature itself shows that three core themes dominate: state-centric approaches, technocratic approaches, and approaches to local ownership. These comprise a current, linear approach to SSR that ignores much of the critical literature on peace-building. The article then goes on to draw on some of this critical literature to develop an alternative approach to SSR building using a non-linear approach which incorporates a better understanding of institutional politics, an emphasis on process rather than structures, and analysis of hidden politics.