2010～2011年中国—东盟货物贸易数量分析与预测——年度分析系列报告之八

2010年中国与东盟的贸易摆脱了金融危机的困扰,再次回到高增长的轨道,增速居于中国各大贸易伙伴前列且年内较为平稳;中方从东盟的进口额与速度均高过对东盟的出口额与增速,逆差扩大;除中菲贸易外,中国与其他东盟国家的贸易额都达到历史最高值。双方贸易的增长面宽、增长点多,体现出中国—东盟自由贸易区的良好开局。数据检验分析显示,中国、美国、日本、韩国与东盟的贸易具有协整关系,相互促进,中国—东盟自由贸易区亦惠及亚太区域贸易。结合定性分析与数学模型,预测2011年的中国—东盟经贸合作将保持较高的增长势头。     

加快吸收日韩资金的新对策研究

近年来日韩投资重心不断南移表明,地缘优势对外资区位选择的影响程度在降低。在新形势下要加快利用日韩资金的步伐,就必须提高引资竞争力。可采取的主要措施有:促进产业集群发展,切实增强产业配套能力;降低商务成本,增强外企的成本竞争力;以强化服务为重点,营造良好的开放环境。     

韩国对外直接投资与产业结构优化研究

韩国是发展对外直接投资比较成功的新兴工业化国家之一.定量分析显示:韩国对外直接投资促进了国内产业结构的优化,降低国内第一、第二产业结构的比例,明显提高国内第三产业结构的比例.借鉴韩国的经验,我国应该选择制造业作为我国发展对外直接投资的重点行业、注重发挥发展中国家的产业相对优势以及对外直接投资的产业选择方向应与国内产业结构高度化的发展趋势相一致.     

刍议颜色文化

颜色既有美感功能也有信息功能。各种颜色在不同的民族文化背景下具有不同的社会文化附加意义。在跨文化交际中,了解一个民族的颜色文化,有利于民族间的理解和交流。本文探讨汉民族颜色文化的主要内容,并与英语民族的颜色文化相比较,同时简要介绍东盟10国的颜色文化。     

印度-东盟自由贸易区浅论——基于印度的视角

冷战结束以后,印度主动加强与东盟国家之间的交流与合作,并积极融入亚洲区域经济一体化的进程.在双方共同努力下,印度-东盟自由贸易区得以从构想走向现实.作为主权国家,印度在推动印度-东盟自由贸易区的发展过程中有其深刻的内在利益和战略考量.当然,作为主权国家之间的一种战略博弈,印度-东盟自由贸易区全面建设的进程绝非一帆风顺.     

The family state: a non-realist approach to understanding Indonesia’s foreign policy

ABSTRACT

The existing literature on Indonesia’s foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country’s external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia’s international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta’s diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region.     

FDI与经济增长——基于我国金融发展的实证检验

外商直接投资(FD I)在促进东道国经济增长方面扮演着重要的角色,而东道国金融体系发展的健全与完善,不仅可以直接促进技术进步,而且可以通过东道国自身吸收能力的渠道来放大FD I的技术溢出效应进而显著地促进经济增长。我国相对欠发达的金融市场没有起到放大FD I技术溢出效应促进经济增长的作用,因此必须在重视基础设施、法律制度、政策环境和人力资本建设的同时,进一步推进金融深化进程,改善金融体系效率。     

FDI、环境规制与污染避难所效应——基于中国省级数据的经验分析

随着中国吸引FDI的规模不断攀升,环境污染水平也呈现不断恶化趋势。污染避难所假说认为,污染密集型的跨国企业为了规避本国严格的环境规制而迁往环境规制较宽松的国家,但相关的实证研究无法得到令人信服的证据。本文采用1998—2007年我国30个省市自治区的数据,利用综合指数方法构建我国的环境规制指标,同时通过引入政府效率指标、政府反腐败程度指标和其它控制指标来建立计量模型以充分反映我国各地区的特征。结果显示。环境规制与FDI的关系显著为负,这说明外商在对我国进行区位选择时,认为环境规制是一个非常重要的因素,在我国国内各地区间存在着污染避难所效应。同时,政府效率和政府反腐败程度也是外资区位选择的重要因素,特别是东部地区对政府效率和政府反腐败程度更加敏感。     

Do Globalization and Free Markets Drive Obesity among Children and Youth? An Empirical Analysis, 1990–2013

Scholars of public health identify globalization as a major cause of obesity. Free markets are blamed for spreading high calorie, nutrient-poor diets, and sedentary lifestyles across the globe. Global trade and investment agreements apparently curtail government action in the interest of public health. Globalization is also blamed for raising income inequality and social insecurities, which contribute to “obesogenic” environments. Contrary to recent empirical studies, this study demonstrates that globalization and several component parts, such as trade openness, FDI flows, and an index of economic freedom, reduce weight gain and obesity among children and youth, the most likely age cohort to be affected by the past three decades of globalization and attendant lifestyle changes. The results suggest strongly that local-level factors possibly matter much more than do global-level factors for explaining why some people remain thin and others put on weight. The proposition that globalization is homogenizing cultures across the globe in terms of diets and lifestyles is possibly exaggerated. The results support the proposition that globalized countries prioritize health because of the importance of labor productivity and human capital due to heightened market competition, ceteris paribus, even if rising incomes might drive high consumption.     

Empty promises: Indonesia's non-ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court

Southeast Asia is one of the most underrepresented regions in the International Criminal Court (ICC). I address the question of non-ratification of the Rome Statute with a case study on Indonesia. While the Yudhoyono Administration has repeatedly promised to join the ICC, ratification has not materialized. I argue that Indonesia's tradition of emphasizing the protection of state sovereignty and economic gains in its foreign policy decisions best explains why it remains outside the ICC's jurisdiction. I test this claim by exploring Indonesia's human rights record, potential legal restrictions for the ratification of the Rome Statute, and the influence of domestic political players and external pressures.