The ASEAN Way as a symbol: an analysis of discourses on the ASEAN Norms

Has the ‘ASEAN Way’ – a set of rules of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centered on the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making – really established its position as an ASEAN norm? This paper aims to analyze the discourses of each ASEAN country and empirically explain their attitudes toward the norm. Specifically, I review various documentations to examine how various ASEAN diplomats have used the term ‘ASEAN Way.’ How did they come to call the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making ‘ASEAN Way’ in the early 1990s? Why have they begun using the term negatively, as something to be reformed, in recent years? By describing the discourses on the ‘ASEAN Way’ and their changes over the years, I show that the rationality of non-interference and consensus decision-making has changed over time and shifted the positioning of the ‘ASEAN way’ as a symbol. This presents a new and empirical interpretation of the changes in ASEAN Norms.     

Ethnic politics,complex legitimacy crisis,and intramural relations within ASEAN

This article examines ethnic conflict and its impacts on intramural relations within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It suggests that ethnic politics at home often propels leaders to get involved in ethnic conflict elsewhere. In the ASEAN context, regional institutions, especially the principle of non-interference, mitigate the effects of ethnic politics and preclude the possibility of coercive intervention. The third state is more likely to appeal to facilitation or mediation. On the side of the host state, when the regime faces complex legitimacy crisis, it is more likely to reject the third state's involvement. Ethnic conflict is likely to cause diplomatic tussles between the two states. In contrast, when the regime of the host state enjoys a higher level of legitimacy, it is more amenable to the third party's mediation. Cooperation on conflict management will foster inter-state trust. This article illustrates the above mechanism by examining Malaysia's role in Thailand and the Philippines’ ethnic insurgencies.     

区域治理视域下的东盟环境问题

环境问题是区域治理的重要组成部分.20世纪80年代以来,环境问题已成为影响东盟社会经济可持续发展的重要因素之一,平衡经济增长与环境的可持续性成为东盟必须认真考虑解决的问题.为应对日益恶化的环境问题,东盟建立了不少合作机制,签署了若干宣言、倡议和协定,并积极与域外国家和环境组织开展合作,然而治理成效还是有限.从东盟存在的环境问题、合作机制和面临的挑战来看,制约东盟环境治理成效的因素,既有东盟层面的,也有东盟成员国层面的.东盟的环境治理尚未摆脱以国家为核心的传统治理模式,区域间缺乏有效的协调与合作,导致治理成效不佳.其中,"东盟方式"是最大的障碍,如何突破"不干涉成员国内政"这一原则的限制,将是东盟环境合作能否取得成效的关键.东盟治理能力的缺陷和缺乏有效的危机应急管理机制、区域意识淡薄、区域合作治理意志与决心不强、集体行动迟缓,说明东盟仍只是一个松散的国家集团.因此,如何协调政治—安全、经济、社会一文化三大支柱之间的关系,实现经济与环境的可持续发展,东盟还有很长的路要走.     

ECJ倡议的内在缺陷及国际投资法体系的变革方向

从发展中国家和发达国家的角度来看,ECJ都是一种有瑕疵的建议.它的缺点对于发展中国家来说尤为严重,因为它从根本的角度忽略了发展的层面.发展中国家运用现有的双边协定比接受ECJ的多边协定更加适当.虽然现有的乌拉圭FDI体制相比于ECJ更加恰当,但是从发展的角度讲,前者有着重大缺陷,国际社会应当对此缺陷给予即时关注并采取补救措施.     

东盟经济一体化的进程及前景

东盟成立于1967年8月,它从初期的5个成员国扩大到10个。东盟已覆盖了整个东南亚地区,成为拥有450万平方公里国土、5亿人口和超过7000亿美元国民生产总值的的区域性组织。东南亚10国联盟的最终形成,标志着东盟经济一体化的进程已迈出重要一步。但是,由于东南亚各国政治、经济发展极不平衡,加之来自西方的各种压力,东盟经济一体化进程一直面临着诸多问题与障碍。尤其是1997年席卷东南亚的金融风暴,从根本上打乱了东盟经济一体化进程的时间表,未来东盟经济一体化进程将面临严峻挑战。     

FDI in small states and unattractive markets: the case of São Tomé and Príncipe

ABSTRACT

Studies on Small States, ‘unattractive’ markets, namely those from Africa, are very scarce. São Tomé and Príncipe (STP), a Small State, insular economy, has had considerable momentum in attracting FDI in the last decade albeit its geographical and demographic constraints and relative weak economic growth. The current study uncovers the potential determinants of FDI in unattractive markets using STP as a case study. Based on (robust) logistic estimations on a sample of 56 Portuguese companies that have trade relations with African countries, we show that in the case of Small States economies and unattractive markets, the relevance of institutional factors and resource seeking strategies surpass internalisation and location factors related to market size and dynamics. We further uncovered that foreign companies’ characteristics, namely size and (general) human capital, are critical in explaining companies’ likelihood to invest in an ‘unattractive’ market.     

A community of practice: explaining change and continuity in ASEAN's diplomatic environment

Despite change in the aims, institutions and informal diplomacy of ASEAN since 1997, the formal diplomatic code of conduct remains locked in a traditionalist mode first outlined in the 1970s. Existing approaches from mainstream International Relations theorising are unable to adequately explain this continuity and change. The recent ‘practice turn’ in theorising offers distinct explanatory advantage, which this article illustrates by arguing that the formation of an ‘ASEAN rationality’ between 1967 and 1997 fundamentally curtailed the ability of regional diplomats to revise ASEAN post 1997, resulting in the coexistence of new and old norms in ASEAN's organisation design.     

2014年缅甸政治发展

2015年的缅甸总统选举、2014年的缅甸人口普查和2014年缅甸首任东盟轮值主席为2014年缅甸政治发展的三个主题——修改宪法以削弱军人对权力的控制、赋予少数民族更多的权利、修改国籍法让更多多年居住缅甸的人享有基本的公民权——的展开提供了强有力的刺激。从目前的进展看,缅甸政治发展的前景并不让人乐观,甚至让人有些绝望。     

安全观与东盟气候变化认知及政策

东南亚是世界上最易受到气候变化影响的地区之一。作为东南亚重要的地区一体化组织,东盟应对气候变化的政策受到越来越多的关注。作为对基于物质条件与能力的解释的补充,从观念的影响出发可以为理解东盟气候变化安全认知与应对政策提供一个新的视角。由于地理暴露度与社会经济脆弱性,东盟面临着高度的气候变化风险。而东盟如何认知与应对气候变化风险带来的安全威胁,除了受到客观条件的影响外,还受到其综合安全观的框定作用。在综合安全现的影响下,东盟对气候变化安全的认知与应对表现出三个特征,即将气候变化安全诠释为实现可持续发展问题、采取多领域综合性应对措施以及鼓励多元化主体参与。目前,东盟的主导安全观是以国家为中心的综合安全观,但随着"人的安全"思想影响的增强,东盟气候变化认知与应对正在发生微妙变化。     

Prospects for China-ASEAN Relations

正TERRITORIAL disputes in the South China Sea between China and ASEAN countries such as Vietnam and the Philippines notwithstanding,China-ASEAN relations remain very much on the track of peaceful development,mutual-benefit,and win-win cooperation.China recently raised new proposals on handling tensions in the South China Sea,so further diminishing possibilities that the issue