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251.
思想政治教育在现代国家建设中的软实力价值 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
思想政治教育作为人类社会客观存在的实践活动,在现代国家建设中具有重要的软实力价值.政治认同感的培育、文化竞争力的提升、社会的有效整合、国民素质的提高、民族精神家园的建构等都离不开思想政治教育.当前,加强和改进思想政治教育,是提升我国国家软实力,实现软实力和硬实力协调发展的重要措施. 相似文献
252.
构建行之有效的党内利益冲突防范和治理机制,建设反腐败斗争的坚实堡垒,必须规范党员领导干部公共权力界限,健全党员领导干部权力监督制约机制。 相似文献
253.
In this paper we leverage a sudden shift in refugee settlement policy to study the electoral consequences of refugee settlements. After the 2013 Norwegian parliamentary election, the newly elected right-wing government made a concerted effort to spread newly arrived immigrants across the country, with the consequence that some municipalities with limited experience in settling refugees accepted to do so. We propose that such policy changes have political consequences, increasing the salience of immigration issues and shifting voters’ preferences to the right. We further propose that successful refugee integration can move (parts of) the electorate to the left, with stronger political polarization as a possible effect of the policy change. Applying difference-in-differences techniques, we find no evidence of unidirectional shifts in voter sentiments, but support for the hypothesis of stronger political polarization. 相似文献
254.
Kathleen M Dowley 《Communist and Post》1998,31(4):359-380
The central research goals of this article are to classify and explain the positions of the 89 state “governors” of Russia with regard to the most desirable federal division of power. The state governors are classified along a 5-item autonomy index based on events data and content analysis of their speeches, declarations, petitions, threats and actions from 1991–1995 as reported in two regional sources. Theoretical propositions derived from four schools of thought (essentialism, instrumentalism, relative deprivation and resource mobilization) are tested to discover which, if any, provide useful insights into the preferences and behavior of regional elites in Russia. In the end, a combined model that synthesizes elements of the above is shown to be most useful in explaining variation in elite positions. 相似文献
255.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(8-9):547-556
Abstract The articles in this symposium present various consequences that effectively result in changes from adopted budgets during the implementation phase, which derive from institutional structure. The institutional structures referred to include such attributes as internal policy, procedural methodology, longevity in office, and reward and incentive systems related to performance outcomes For local governments, structural influences studied include changes in leadership in the executive and legislative branches, longevity in office of budget administrators, and differences related to mayor-council vs. council-manager forms of government. Internal policies reported on cover methodology used to forecast revenues such as quantitative methods versus informed judgment, budgetary controls and spending policy related to mandated spending beyond local government control, and procedures for benchmarking within the agency as well as with peer groups and professional standards. Consortia of governments are referenced regarding performance evaluation as is the process for gaining consensus between the executive and legislative branches, including expert outside opinion. Other influences on performance outcomes reported on are those tied to the risk-reward system built in to the institutional structure, which includes risk tolerance of the individuals who make pension fund investments. 相似文献
256.
女性参政主要包括民主参与和权力参与,本文重点关注妇女的权力参与,认为新中国建立以来,中国女性参政历经以政府主导的、公平竞争的、比例政策与竞争和选举制度相结合的参政模式,不同的参政模式给女性参政带来了不同的影响。本文通过对女性参政模式的解读,提出了进一步促进女性参政的政策建议。 相似文献
257.
258.
基于流程再造的研究视角,本文对F市外经贸系统中的行政审批事项、内部运营、跨部门与跨层级审批等状况进行了实证考察,指出当前地方政府行政审批制度改革中存在越减越肥与审批拖沓、简政放权中的统筹不足、重审批中的轻监管等问题。文章提出应从提升行政服务中心的窗口办理效能、搭建行政审批网络一体化平台、建立审改公众参与制度、建立审改绩效考评制度等四个方面来推进行政审批制度改革。 相似文献
259.
近30年来,台湾女性运动与思潮发展迅猛。特别在上世纪90年代,焦点一度从争取参政权、财产权等公共领域转入“私领域”,更多地关注女性的性欲和身体。这一发展,深刻地显示了台湾社会女性思潮的重大变化。 相似文献
260.
朱富强 《西南政法大学学报》2009,11(4):110-120
现代社会民主化进程中往往呈现出两种现象:一是庸人往往占据高位,而那些事变创造性人物则越来越为主流社会所遗弃,导致新思想对社会产生作用的时滞越来越长;二是呈现出强烈的极端性和好斗性,那些拥有权力优势的国家和个人更易于实行机会主义。究其原因,这体现了当今民主体制的缺陷和相关条件的不成熟。一者,如果对民主选举的范围和内容不进行界定,那么多数至上规则中获得优胜的往往是基于影响力原则而不是贤能原则;二者,如果社会大众的教育水平没有达到一定程度,那么集体行动往往会呈现出狂热和非理性。 相似文献