论恐怖主义的社会解构

作为一种极端的解构力量,恐怖主义对于国际秩序的威胁和损害不仅在于通过制造恶性事件以破坏国际社会的安全稳定,更在于借助销蚀主流价值而削弱国际秩序的观念基础。因此,国际社会有必要将评估和应对恐怖主义的社会解构纳入反恐治理的基本范畴。其中,以“伊斯兰国”组织为代表的恐怖主义力量进行社会解构的行为策略,可以分为以动摇当代领土政治、颠覆主流生命伦理和创设替代政治秩序为主要构成的重释再造,以动员恐怖袭击、滋长恐怖气氛和催生仇恨敌对为主要构成的“木马”植入,以“黑色经济”“黑色宣传”和“黑色技术”为主要构成的反向利用。目前,国际社会的反恐路径注重结合预防恐怖主义的内向防御逻辑与打击恐怖主义的外向进攻逻辑。沿着这一思路,国际社会可以综合采取加强反恐实践中的逆向战略、修正反恐叙事中的敌意话语和联通反恐治理中的不同系统等多种举措以应对恐怖主义的社会解构。     

九一一事件以来美国反恐过程中的主导性隐喻及其后果

九一一事件后,国际反恐行动似乎已陷入"越反越恐"的怪圈,这与人们对恐怖主义的"越描越恐"密切相关,而隐喻的存在及广泛使用是导致"越描越恐"的重要原因。在恐怖主义的治理中,作为必不可少的思维方式,涉恐隐喻具有启发性,但也因其随意性、凸显与隐藏的特征,限制了人们关于恐怖主义的思想和行为。在美国涉恐的政治、媒体和学术话语中,"恐怖主义是战争""恐怖主义是野蛮的东西""恐怖主义是疾病"和"恐怖主义是不受欢迎的植物"是占主导地位的隐喻。这些隐喻深植于历史、人们的恐惧、社会系统和舆论中,很大程度上代表了人们对恐怖主义的正统看法。进行隐喻分析,使用多种隐喻,一定程度上能缓解隐喻陷阱,但仍不能消除它。因此,在恐怖主义治理的过程中,坚持"犯罪"隐喻为主导、灵活使用多种措施、重建受损的政治秩序、减少对无辜平民的伤害和对穆斯林的歧视尤为重要。     

Is Narco‐Violence in Mexico Terrorism?

Mexico's drug ‘war’ produced 100,000 deaths between 2006 and 2012. The extreme violence has raised the notion that Mexico has become a failed state wracked by terrorism. We categorise the forms of narco‐violence in Mexico in light of the literature on terrorism and contemporary Mexican politics. Our study suggests three overlapping dimensions of narco‐violence that should be considered terrorism: (a) narco‐terror as a struggle for regional political control; (b) narco‐terror as a practice ordered by cartel leaders rather than spontaneous violence of foot soldiers; and (c) narco‐terror as an expansion strategy from solely drug trafficking to other kinds of organised crime.     

比较与借鉴：我国反恐立法模式构建

用法律的手段来应对恐怖主义的威胁，是国际社会面对恐怖主义犯罪的共同选择，综观国际反恐立法，目前主要有三种基本模式：分散型立法模式、专门型立法模式和综合型立法模式。我国当前反恐立法单一，缺乏系统性和完备性，配套立法还不完善，在未来难以有效地同恐怖主义犯罪作斗争。因此，制定我国的反恐基本法与反恐配套法，构建“以反恐法为基本法、各单行法为配套法，以反恐基本法为主导、诸法配合”的立法格局，是我国未来反恐立法的现实选择。     

What Limits for Government Control? Civil Liberties and Anti‐terror Measures after the Heathrow Bomb Plot

The threat posed by transnational terrorism has excited debate about how best to calibrate relations between government, the courts and parliament: how can the provision of internal security be facilitated, whilst respecting freedoms and ensuring that policies enjoy broad legitimacy? Attention has focussed primarily on the power of the courts. Sections of the government have mooted a curtailment of judicial competencies; by contrast, a broad range of actors calls for ‐ at the least ‐ the maintenance of current judicial powers as the best means to prevent government from exploiting its already large scope for manoeuvre, as well as to overcome public scepticism. Yet the current debate misses the point that relations between government, courts and parliament have already been altered. Government has gained extra political resources thanks to its participation in forms of international counterterrorist cooperation. This shift of power, and associated problems, were clear during the recent ‘Heathrow bomb plot’.     

"恐怖邪教"与人格扭曲

"恐怖邪教"是现代邪教和恐怖主义结合在一起孳生的怪胎."恐怖邪教"进行暴力恐怖活动的目的是为了维护其以极端性和残暴性建立的"权威地位"和左右民众的能力.在伦理层面上,"恐怖邪教"蔑视人的个性,蔑视人的尊严,背弃人文精神,最终导致信众严重的人格扭曲,应从伦理上加以批判.     

我国刑法中“恐怖活动犯罪”的认定

“制造社会恐怖”是恐怖活动犯罪特有的犯罪目的 ,正确理解恐怖活动犯罪的这一犯罪目的的内容 ,以及由这一目的决定的恐怖活动犯罪的罪过结构和客观特征 ,是司法实践中认定恐怖活动犯罪 ,正确适用刑法相关规定的基本前提。     

试论惩治恐怖活动的新罪名

《刑法修正案 (三 )》为惩治恐怖活动犯罪 ,增加了一些新的犯罪。对新增犯罪的罪名表述、构成特征、刑事责任和司法认定等均值得急需研究 ,以便能够指导司法实践。     

论美英等国反恐怖军事行动的国际法依据及其存在问题

美英等国反恐怖军事行动依据的是国际法上的自卫权,同时,具有联合国安理会的授权。但是,从国际法的角度和国际关系的实践来看,存在三个问题,即自卫权的延伸和扩展、证据问题和审判问题。国际关系是国际法的实质渊源,变化着的国际关系正在为国际法充实相应的内容。     

Securitization,insecurity and conflict in contemporary Xinjiang: has PRC counter-terrorism evolved into state terror?

ABSTRACT

In the Introduction to this special issue, I first provide an overview of the programme of 'de-extremification' and mass internment in Xinjiang since early 2017. I then situate this development against the ‘ideological turn’ in Chinese Communist Party policy under President Xi Jinping, highlighting the new emphasis on stability maintenance and ideational governance. Next, I explore experiences of (in)security in Uyghur communities in- and outside of Xinjiang in the era of internment to consider how far PRC counter-terrorism initiatives have now evolved into state terror. In doing so, I apply Ruth Blakeley's (2012) definition of state terror as a deliberate act of violence against civilians, or threat of violence where a climate of fear is already established by earlier acts of violence; as perpetrated by actors on behalf of or in conjunction with the state; as intended to induce extreme fear in target observers who identify with the victim; and as forcing the target audience to consider changing its behaviour. Finally, I discuss the six contributions to the special issue.