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91.
The patterns of cooperation between regions and urban spaces are no longer influenced, to the same extent, by national borders. Political integrative events changed the extent of transborder urban cooperation in the Baltic borderlands, a region that has undergone extensive changes. A social network analysis of cooperative ties in the form of town twinning indicates that the end of the Cold War strongly changed the network of town twinning in this region, whereas the effect of the various EU enlargement rounds seems to be more nuanced.  相似文献   
92.
ABSTRACT

This special issue focuses on transnational governance, essentially cross-border networked forms of co-ordination in which non-state, or private, actors play important or leading roles in providing standards, rules and practices that other actors voluntarily abide by. While not denying the pre-eminent role of the state in governance, we nonetheless believe there is an under-estimation of transnational governance in Southeast Asia and the varied governance role played by non-state actors that go beyond that of simply acting as pressure or advisory groups lobbying or advising states and regional organisations. We provide five different case studies that explore in detail the varied governance roles played by non-state actors using the common analytical framework set out in this introduction. The case studies reveal interesting variations in the architecture of transnational governance, why they emerge, the modes of social co-ordination through which they work to shape actor behaviour and achieve impact, their normative implications, and how these governance schemes intersect with the state and national regulatory frameworks. This special issue, thus, highlights the variegated architecture of governance in this region in which non-state actors play substantial governance roles regulating the conduct of other actors.  相似文献   
93.
While canines are most commonly trained to detect traditional explosives, such as nitroaromatics and smokeless powders, homemade explosives (HMEs), such as fuel–oxidizer mixtures, are arguably a greater threat. As such, it is imperative that canines are sufficiently trained in the detection of such HMEs. The training aid delivery device (TADD) is a primary containment device that has been used to house HMEs and HME components for canine detection training purposes. This research assesses the odor release from HME components, ammonium nitrate (AN), urea nitrate (UN), and potassium chlorate (PC), housed in TADDs. Canine odor recognition tests (ORTs) were used with analytical data to determine the detectability of TADDs containing AN, UN, or PC. Headspace analysis by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) with solid-phase microextraction (SPME) or online cryotrapping were used to measure ammonia or chlorine, as well as other unwanted odorants, emanating from bulk AN, UN, and PC in TADDs over 28 weeks. The analytical data showed variation in the amount of ammonia and chlorine over time, with ammonia from AN and UN decreasing slowly over time and the abundance of chlorine from PC TADDs dependent on the frequency of exposure to ambient air. Even with these variations in odor abundance, canines previously trained to detect bulk explosive HME components were able to detect all three targets in glass and plastic TADDs for at least 18 months after loading. Detection proficiency ranged from 64% to 100% and was not found to be dependent on either age of material.  相似文献   
94.
The storage and use of explosives is regulated at the state and federal level, with a particular focus on physical security and rigorous accounting of the explosive inventory. For those working with explosives for the training and testing of explosive-detecting canines, cross-contamination is an important concern. Hence, explosives intended for use with canine teams must be placed into secondary storage containers that are new, clean, and airtight. A variety of containers meet these requirements and include screw-top glass jars (e.g., mason jars). However, an additional need from the explosive-detecting canine community is secondary containers that can also be used as training aids whereby the volatiles emitted by explosives are emitted in a predictable and stable manner. Currently, a generally accepted method for the storage of explosives and controlled emission of explosive vapor for canine detection does not exist. Ideally, such containers should allow odor to escape from the training aid but block external contaminates such as particulates or other volatiles. One method in use places the explosive inside a permeable cotton bag when in use for training and then stores the cotton bag inside an impermeable nylon bag for long-term storage. This paper describes the testing of an odor permeable membrane device (OPMD) as a new way to store and deploy training aids. We measured the evaporation rate and flux of various liquid explosives and volatile compounds that have been identified in the headspace of actual explosives. OPMDs were used in addition to traditional storage containers to monitor the contamination and degradation of 14 explosives used as canine training aids. Explosives were stored individually using traditional storage bags or inside an OPMD at two locations, one of which actively used the training aids. Samples from each storage type at both locations were collected at 0, 3, 6, and 9 months and analyzed using Fourier Transform Infrared (FTIR) Spectroscopy and Gas Chromatography–Mass Spectrometry (GC–MS) with Solid-Phase Microextraction (SPME). FTIR analyses showed no signs of degradation. GC–MS identified cross-contamination from ethylene glycol dinitrate (EGDN) and/or 2,3-dimethyl-2,3-dinitrobutane (DMNB) across almost all samples regardless of storage condition. The contamination was found to be higher among training aids that were stored in traditional ways and that were in active use by canine teams.  相似文献   
95.
Human hairs are one of the most commonly encountered items of trace evidence. Currently, conventional methods for hair analysis include microscopic comparison and DNA analysis (nuclear and mitochondrial). Each approach has its own drawbacks. Hair proteins are stable and offer an alternative to DNA testing, as demonstrated with proteomics for distinguishing humans. However, proteomics is complicated and requires identifying peptides to remain intact following harsh sample preparation methods. Alternatively, the actual amino acid content of a hair sample may also offer important identifying information and actually requires proteins and peptides to be broken down completely rather than remaining intact. This study evaluated the discriminating power of using hair amino acid ratios to differentiate hair samples from 10 unrelated individuals with dark colored hair. Hair proteins were digested, derivatized, and analyzed using gas chromatography–mass spectrometry. Amino acid ratios were calculated for each individual and comparisons using ANOVA and post-hoc pairwise t-test with Bonferroni correction were made with amino acid ratios for individuals. Overall, out of the 45 possible pairwise comparisons between all hair samples, 38 (84%) were differentiable. Out of the 36 possible pairwise comparisons between brown haired individuals, 32 (89%) were considered differentiable using univariate statistics. Multivariate statistics were also attempted but, overall, univariate models were sufficient for exclusionary purposes. These results indicate that amino acid ratio analysis can potentially be used as an exclusionary method using hair if DNA analysis cannot be performed, or to corroborate conclusions made following microscopic analysis.  相似文献   
96.
Children and adolescents who are having difficulty coping with stress often present with complaints of physical discomfort. Effective treatment approaches exist for many of these issues. Among high-conflict parents, however, children's medical issues can become another canvas for conflict, with parents focused more on blaming one another for the child's distress than on options for assisting the child. Professionals can be drawn into the conflict to such a degree that they overlook essential steps for addressing and managing these issues. The authors present a research-informed model for managing medical and psychophysiological issues amid parental conflict.  相似文献   
97.
The UK has influenced some major EU policies, such as the creation of the single market and enlargement. But how influential are the UK government and British MEPs in the day‐to‐day EU legislative process? To answer this question, this article analyses recent data from the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament. The evidence is mixed. In the Council, in recent years the UK government has been outvoted more often than any other EU government, yet UK officials remain well connected ‘behind the scenes’. In the European Parliament, British MEPs are now more likely to be on the losing side than are the MEPs of any other member state, yet British MEPs still win key committee chairs and rapporteurships. The evidence suggests that if the UK votes to remain in the EU, Britain's political elites will need to re‐engage with Brussels politics if the UK is to avoid becoming further marginalised from mainstream EU politics.  相似文献   
98.
In Western European democracies opposition to the European Union is commonly found at the ideological extremes. Yet, the Euroscepticism of radical left-wing and radical right-wing parties has been shown to have distinct roots and manifestations. The article investigates whether these differences are mirrored at the citizen level. Using data from the European Election Study (2009/2014) and the European Social Survey (2008/2012) in 15 West European countries, it is found that left-wing and right-wing citizens not only differ in the object of their Euroscepticism, but also in their motivations for being sceptical of the EU. Left-wing Eurosceptics are dissatisfied with the current functioning of the EU, but do not oppose further European integration per se, while right-wing Eurosceptics categorically reject European integration. Euroscepticism among left-wing citizens is motivated by economic and cultural concerns, whereas for right-wing citizens Euroscepticism is solely anchored in cultural attitudes. These results refine the common ‘horseshoe’ understanding of ideology and Euroscepticism.  相似文献   
99.
China's Belt and Road initiative came from the combined pressure of slowing down of Chinese economy, US pivot to Asia and deterioration of the relations with neighboring countries after weathering the storm of the Global Financial Crisis of 2008. It also symbolizes a more proactive approach of Chinese new leader Xi Jinping in meeting the expectation on China's international obligation and leadership. Aimed to link Asia, Europe, Africa and Oceania, the initiative provides tremendous opportunities of international economic cooperation. The paper argues that as China's contribution to international public goods, it is in the line of economic liberalism; as China's grand strategy, it is more of defensive than offensive by nature. Despite risks and uncertainties exist, the enforcement will boost China's influence and position in regional and international institutions. US should consider making more strategic space to the rising China, and a better coordinated China–US relations will make Asia Pacific a safer and more promising region.  相似文献   
100.
Violence, while conceived of and defined as objective, is in reality a subjective phenomenon that takes on myriad forms (political, physical, and psychological). From a constructivist perspective, the identification of violence is contingent on conflicts to signify actions as legitimate; in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the experience of different forms of violence has meant that violence has come to acquire multiple meanings. This violence is legitimate from both Israeli and Palestinian points of view, and it creates and fulfils a cycle that perpetuates intractable conflict. This article aims to demonstrate how strongly this culture of violence has affected the state-formation process in this area, and it calls attention particularly to ongoing statebuilding processes in Palestine. The paper will also explore the intricacies related to violence and border definition in terms of ‘mapping practices’ and territoriality, and examine how, in the wake of the Oslo agreement, the Palestinian statebuilding process is created under the ruling power of the Israeli military force, restraining Palestinian capacity to create state bodies capable of establishing and retaining the monopoly of violence.  相似文献   
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