Prevention,Crime Control or Cash? Public Preferences Towards Criminal Justice Spending Priorities

We propose and test a new methodology to assess the public’s criminal justice spending priorities. Respondents are asked to trade‐off alternative crime prevention and control policies as well as a potential tax rebate. In a nationally representative sample, we found overwhelming support for increased spending on youth prevention, drug treatment for nonviolent offenders, and police. However, the median respondent would not allocate any new money to building more prisons and would not request a tax rebate if the money were spent on youth prevention, drug treatment, or police. At the margin, we estimate the public would receive $3.07 in perceived value by spending $1.00 on youth prevention; $1.86 in value for every dollar spent on drug treatment; and $1.76 for a dollar spent on police. However, the public would not spend more on prisons, deriving only 71 cents in value for every tax dollar spent.     

弘扬军人核心价值观 反对历史虚无主义

在弘扬军人核心价值观的过程中,我们一定要坚持反对什么,弘扬什么。在目前思想多元化的状态下,历史虚无主义是消解中共党史和中国革命史的一服毒药。尽管它的表现形式多种多样,但是,目的只有一个,就是虚无中国人民革命、建设的历史,美化殖民统治、帝、官、封统治的历史,我们必须旗帜鲜明地加以反对。     

Exploiting the common pool or looking to the future? A study of free-riding leading up to the 2007 municipal amalgamations in Denmark

ABSTRACT

Municipal amalgamations can create incentives for opportunistic behaviour. Several fairly recent studies have examined this on amalgamations in Denmark and Sweden using the so-called law of 1 over n. However, they have yielded inconclusive results and I argue that one plausible explanation is a theoretical deficiency in the law, as it does not account for how future political representation can mitigate the incentive to free-ride. I examine this using large-scale amalgamations in Denmark in 2007. This case is quite unique as the amalgamations were implemented in such a manner that they constitute a quasi-experiment, and because an extra fiscal year was added to the election period where the composition of the new councils was known with certainty, while the municipalities retained some decision-making power. The study’s findings are consistent with the argument that the incentive to free-ride depends on the decision makers’ future political stake in the new, amalgamated municipality.     

防止海上事件与中美海上军事互信机制建设(英文)

This paper seeks to analyze the deficiencies, underlying flaws, and prospects of the Sino-US military maritime safety consultation mechanism, based on maritime incident prevention theories and typical cases. It also on also offers suggestions on the future development of the Sino-US maritime offers maritime confidence-building mechanism.     

重复博弈与机制构建:两岸军事安全互信探析

军事安全互信是两岸关系和平发展的重要保障,也是两岸实现最终完全统一的重要途径。而军事安全互信的构建需要两岸通过重复博弈来逐步完成。重复博弈能够建立一种密集的互动关系并促使博弈策略更加趋于合作而不是对抗,从而推动博弈双方逐渐建立机制化、制度化、模式化的合作关系,这将对构建两岸军事安全互信助益良多。     

我国军事法制概念的含义

军事法制是军事法学基础理论中最基本的范畴之一,它对军事法制实践有着重要的指导意义.我国军事法学界对军事法制概念的认识还存在较多分歧,军事法制应是军事法律制度的静态构架、军事法律制度的订立和实行的动态过程、军事法律制度处于权威地位的机制及秩序共同构成的三位一体的系统性概念.我国的军事法制概念应同时从上述三个方面理解,缺一不可.     

加强高素质心理战军事人才的培养

在心理战战略地位日益提高和外军心理战高技术化、专业化趋势日益显著的新形势下,加强我军高素质心理战人才培养,是心理战战略地位提高的必然要求,是维护我国国家安全战略利益的现实需要,也是提高我军心理战力量建设水平的迫切需要.长期以来,我军心理战力量体系的建设走以政治机关和政工干部为主体、发动全体指战员参加的非专业化道路,已不能适应形势发展的要求,应改革我军心理战力量建设模式,走人才培养开发的发展道路.     

军事立法若干问题探析

军事立法是指一定的国家机关依照法定的职权和程序制定、认可、修改和废止军事法律规范的活动.军事立法主体,主要有四个层次(1)全国人大及人大常委会;(2)国务院和中央军事委员会;(3)国务院各部委、中央军委各总部;(4)各军兵种、军区.军事立法的形式主要有(1)宪法军事条款;(2)军事法律;(3)军事行政法规;(4)军事法规;(5)军事行政规章;(6)军事规章;(7)国际军事约章.军事立法程序是指一定的国家机关在制定、认可、修改和废止军事法律规范的活动中所必须遵循的步骤和手续.根据军事法律规范效力的不同,其立法程序也不同.军事立法冲突是指不同的国家机关之间制定的军事法律规范互相抵触和互相矛盾的现象.对此应依据(1)上位法优先原则;(2)特别法、新法优先原则;(3)裁决适用原则;(4)备案审查原则;(5)申请审查原则予以解决.     

普京执政后俄军事建设与改革的新动向

近年来,由于北约东扩、美国筹建国家导弹防御系统以及车臣战争的爆发,俄罗斯日益感到其国家安全遭到威胁.普京自执政以来,非常重视俄罗斯的军事建设与改革.他从本国实际出发,在继承和发展叶利钦时代改革成果的基础上,积极加强国防和军事建设,加紧推进军事改革进程.本文从7方面论述了俄罗斯军事建设与改革的新动向.可以认为,普京时代俄军事建设与改革将进入一个新的深化发展阶段.     

行政法视野下国防行政体制的改革

国防行政不同于军事行政。军事权是一项独立的国家权力,而国防权隶属于行政权。国防与军事的分离,军政与军令的分离,是构建国防行政体制的基础,是国防行政体制改革的前提。国防行政体制的改革与完善,对"依法行政"与"依法治军",对国防行政相对人合法权益的保护与救济,对国防建设与军队建设,都具有十分重要的意义。