邓小平“国权”思想的特点探析

邓小平"国权"思想体现出以下五个鲜明特点国家主权和国家利益的统一性;国家主权的至上性;国家利益同世界利益的一致性;"国权"高于"人权"的原则性;维护、实现"国权"的务实性和创新性.     

“一边倒”外交战略的得失评析

"一边倒"是新中国成立后直至50年代指导我国对外交往活动的大政方针.这一外交战略的实施对改善我国的国际生存空间,粉碎以美国为首的帝国主义封锁、遏制、禁运的阴谋,为新中国政权的巩固、国民经济的恢复和发展具有重大的历史意义.由于这一战略是特定历史条件下的产物,难免存在一些弊端.     

解决边疆少数民族地区“三农”问题的对策

本文阐述了"三农"问题当前面临的主要困境是农业增产,农民不增收;剖析了"三农"问题面临困难的根本症结;进而论证了破解"三农"问题的对策.     

论邓小平决策思想的价值选择

人民群众的利益高于一切,是邓小平决策思想的根本特点,也是邓小平决策思想的价值选择。为人民群众谋利益,是一切决策的出发点和落脚点。坚持从群众中来、到群众中去,是决策制定的基本途径。人民群众的利益和意愿,是决策评判的价值标准。人民群众的伟大实践,是决策完善的重要依据。     

"两课"教学与大学生民族精神的培育

高校"两课"教学在弘扬和培育中华民族精神及对大学生进行民族精神教育方面具有特殊地位和重要作用.面对全球化背景下综合国力竞争的新态势和全面建设小康社会对人才培养的新要求,"两课"教学应适应形势的变化,主动承担对大学生进行民族精神教育的崇高使命.     

台湾的现代性“怨恨修辞”

结合中国古典"诗怨"传统,并运用尼采、舍勒等人的现代性怨恨理论对台湾的现代性叙事进行意识形态分析,指出由于割台、日据、二·二八事件等历史原因造成台湾政治大众在祖国认同上的某种怨恨心态.从"伟大叙事"的角度,对于国民党意识形态在台湾的失败与"本土政治"的兴起作了历史的剖析.     

论“台独“对我国安全和统一的威胁

目前台岛内"台独"势力十分猖獗,已对我国的战略安全、经济安全、领土与主权完整、民族尊严、政治安定构成巨大威胁.坚决制止和遏制"台独",是我们目前的一项紧迫任务.     

The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space

Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.     

民族地区学校教育与民族文化关系探究

在现代化背景下,民族地区学校教育与民族文化关系问题面临诸多困境。学校教育在民族地区的一个重要任务在于如何防止现代化的负面效应,并积极地从民族文化的保护与传承方面,解决民族成员的心理不适与精神困惑。这就要求学校教育既要传授普世性知识,又要兼顾到地方性知识,但目前实施效果并不理想。民族文化需要被重新认识,重新理解。     

Introduction: the history of anthropology

Abstract

On 24 January 1999 a new party was formed by the former Front national (FN) number two, Bruno Mégret. The Front national–Mouvement national was subsequently renamed twice: it became the Mouvement national (MN) following the loss of a court case, and later the Mouvement national républicain (MNR). Mégret claims that the MNR is a party not of the extreme right but of the moderate right, labelled by him the ‘national right’. This is a definition with which many political analysts in France seem to have concurred. In this article Bastow analyses the extent to which the characterization is a true one. First, he outlines the context in which Mégret formed the MNR, focusing on his political background and the strategy which he previously sought to impose on the FN. An extended treatment of the policy proposals put forward by the MNR is then followed by an analysis of the extent to which these amount to a break from an ideology which can be identified as extreme right. He concludes by assessing the prospects for the MNR's success.