少年司法国家责任论纲

由于国家责任的缺失,限制了我国少年司法制度的宏观规划、整体布局与协同进步,以致法律体系不完善、地域差别较大、部门协作壁垒等问题一直存在。国家责任更具“宣誓”意义和政策指引价值,其与政府责任、司法机关责任存在主体不同、责任内容不同、责任实现方式不同等区别。从国家责任角度出发,应加速制定“儿童福利法”,完善儿童福利制度,理顺刑事诉讼法内部规则,细化收容教养制度,协调刑法、刑事诉讼法与其他部门法的衔接;少年司法所需经费可实行国家财政统一拨付,国家应统筹发展少年司法模式,并大力发展中西部少年司法社工组织及少年司法社工;明确司法机关、政府相关部门的责任分配,强化家庭、学校作用的发挥,积极推动公安、司法机关、政府部门与少年司法社工组织的协同发展。     

Political Candidates and the Energy Issue: Nuclear Power Position and Electoral Success

Members of parliament are key actors for the implementation of energy transitions, such as phasing out nuclear power. Before legislators can cast their maybe decisive vote in parliament, they need to run for office and actively strive for election. This paper assesses what political candidates oppose renewable energy transitions and questions whether the energy issue matters in national elections, and thus has consequences for the implementation of new sustainable energy sources. We analyze these questions by first describing the specific characteristics of political candidates. The paper then evaluates the relevance of the energy issue for electoral success in three national elections in Switzerland (2007, 2012, and 2015). Based on candidate data from the voting advice application smartvote.ch, we find that female candidates support ETs more than men do; that especially the French‐speaking part of the country is more in favor of a nuclear phase‐out, and that younger candidates are also more open toward restructuring the energy system than older candidates are. Our models further show that the energy issue does not matter in elections, independently from its salience in the respective election campaigns. Candidates are thus relatively free to choose their position on the issue and do not have to fear consequences at the ballot. However, candidates of center parties, in contrast to the pole parties, are sensitive to the energy issue and reflect public mood in their positions.     

皮埃尔·诺拉的“记忆之场”与国族认知——兼论《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》

20世纪80年代后,学界的“记忆”研究逐渐兴起。法国当代史学名家皮耶?诺哈主编的多卷本《记忆之场》引领了这一潮流,将之聚焦于富有象征意味的“记忆之场”上。诺哈区分了“记忆”与“历史”,指出了“记忆”的“场所”具有的物质性、功能性与象征性,并以庞大的篇幅建构了法国国族自我认知的社会史。其中,孔帕尼翁的《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》将普鲁斯特及其作品视为一种“记忆之场”,探讨了“泛普鲁斯特学”、成为“法国伟大作家”的普鲁斯特及其成功的社会基础,将“普鲁斯特”这类“建构之象征物”纳入到“法国之所以成为法国”的研究中,表明其保证了一种集体性的、文化与身份认同的再生产;该文也代表了作品研究的另一种进入方式。     

博弈视角下农地流转与农民利益保障机制探析

农地流转制度在巩固存量利益的同时,也带来了可观的增量利益,各个利益主体为分配新增利益势必会展开激烈的竞争和角逐.运用博弈论系统分析利益主体之间的博弈关系,透视现实制度实行中其他利益主体对农民利益的侵害.在策略选择上从宏观、中观和微观角度着力构建三位一体利益保障机制,矫正农地流转利益博弈中的力量失衡状态,促使农民的存量利益能够得到对价支付,确保农民能够公平参与增量利益的分配.     

公共行政人员行为选择的伦理困境及其化解

实现负责任行政行为的关键在于制度伦理建设、公共精神的彰显以及行政人格的塑造。通过外在约束和自我规制,从而构建以公共利益为导向的行政行为具有重要意义。     

用优秀文化培育和熔铸民族精神——近百年优秀文化的历史轨迹与改革开放30年的伟大实践

每个时代的优秀文化,都融注着每个时代新的民族精神。社会发展和历史进程都一再表明：中华民族自强不息的民族精神,已经深深地熔铸于中华民族的生命力、创造力和凝聚力之中,这是中华民族得以绵延千载、生生不息的精神动力,更是凝聚中华民族空前力量的无尽源泉。     

21世纪初日本对外目标及外交战略探析

21世纪初期,日本在坚持“普通国家化”既定战略目标的基础上,从国家战略原则、战略重点及国家利益出发,围绕日美同盟、联合国外交、亚洲外交、应对全球气候变化等战略重点,力求以“全方位外交”实现日本国家对外目标及外交战略意图。     

论劳动者的休息权及其法律保障

休息权是劳动者所享有的宪法权利,具有自由权和社会权的双重属性.当劳动者享有休息权时,国家负有尊重和不干预的义务;在劳动者的休息权受用人单位侵害时,国家负有保护的义务;发展劳动者休息和休养的设施,国家负有给付义务.保障劳动者的休息权,立法机关需要完善相关立法,劳动行政部门需要切实履行法定监管职责,司法解释的举证责任分配规...     

新中国70年国家安全观的演变:认知、内涵与应对

新中国成立以来,面对国内外安全环境的变化,中国实现了由传统安全观向总体国家安全观的演变,显著体现在安全环境研判、安全内容认知和安全维护手段三个方面。中共十八大以来,中国在安全方面频繁推出新理念、新方案和新举措,中国的安全能力不断增强,国际安全影响日益增加。在安全观方面,中国先后提出了总体国家安全观、亚洲新安全观、亚太安全观等理念,实现了安全观的变革与创新。安全环境研判方面,对国内安全的认知更加全面系统、对周边安全的认知更加统筹协调、对国际安全认知更加注重“中国作为”;安全内容认知方面,认知内容日益丰富,兼顾传统安全与非传统安全,统筹国家安全与人民安全;安全维护手段方面,不断完善国家安全体系、加强国家安全能力建设和推进国际安全合作。回顾新中国七十年国家安全观的演变,历经安全实践的锤炼,已经形成了一些基本经验,主要体现在安全环境研判需考虑内外因素并注重其联动性、坚持核心安全需求的底线和安全维护手段要以和为贵、文攻武备。展望未来,其重要启示在于中国的国家安全观要注重安全需求与安全能力之间的平衡,将安全能力建设视为至关重要的任务,不断促进安全维护手段的多样性和灵活性。     

Repackaging national identity: Cool Japan and the resilience of Japanese identity narratives

‘Cool Japan’ is an instance of Japanese government's nation branding exercise as part of its soft power projection in which the unique selling point is identified as Japanese national identity. In this paper, I examine the relationship between Cool Japan and Japanese national identity and highlight a tension in the construction. Cool Japan is about emphasizing Japan's attractiveness for public diplomacy, while the top-down nature of the branding undermines the imagery that the branding is designed to convey. I show that policy elites resolve this tension by invoking the traditional Japanese identity narratives that construct Japan into both a non-Western and an un-Asian entity, reproducing the myth of Japanese uniqueness. I argue that the elite narratives surrounding Cool Japan readily replicate the language reminiscent of prewar identity construction. Despite the contemporary popularity of manga and anime, the purported ‘coolness’ of these products are framed within older constructions of Japanese Self that can trace their pedigree back to the nineteenth century. Using the minutes of committee meetings, policy documents, as well as media interviews given by policy- and business elites, I show that Cool Japan is effectively a twenty first century rendition of the familiar Japanese identity construction.