浅论我国民族教育发展的观念调整及其法制化问题

民族教育是我国教育事业的重要组成部分,现行民族教育观念应当作出必要调整,在教育目标、教育价值观、教育培养模式等方面,均应适应知识经济、现代化和社会主义新农村的建设和发展需要,并从法律的高度加以明确,予以确立。     

西藏产业结构调整与主导产业选择

本文以产业结构理论、产业结构调整的经济学基础为背景,对西藏产业结构调整的基本特征及调整方向进行了分析;利用比较优势理论,着重研究了西藏产业结构调整中应该如何选择其主导产业,并且用区位商法甄选出了西藏的主导产业,由此提出了西藏的主导产业应调整为旅游业、建筑业、藏医药业、绿色饮料业、采矿业等五大产业。     

试论民航法的基本价值结构

法律价值是法学研究的核心问题.在漫长的法学发展进程中,形成了一套完整的法律价值体系.对于各部门法律,由于调整对象的性质不同,法律价值结构各异.民航法在我国法律体系中是较特殊的法律门类,应该有其独特的价值结构.但是长久以来,我国学界缺乏关于民航法的价值结构的研究.面临我国修改民航法的情势,强化民航法价值的研究是必要的,应当确立以"领空主权原则、安全、正义、效益"为内容的民航法基本价值结构,以此作为修改民航法的指导思想.     

谈《药》的结构对主题的深化

《药》通过明、暗两条线的结构安排,以明线来描述开小茶馆的华老栓一家人的命运,以暗线来叙写革命者夏瑜的故事,来塑造两个主人公,使两个故事通过一个“人血馒头”交织在一起形成了一个艺术整体,从而开拓了作品的思想容量,强化了主题,给人以深刻的印象。     

谈国民待遇原则与外国人在华的法律援助

2 0 0 3年 9月 1日施行的《法律援助条例》是我国走向文明与法治社会的重要一步 ,但该条例对在华外国人是否适用法律援助没有明确规定 ,笔者从WTO的国民待遇原则以及其他法律的有关原则和规定 ,谈该条例对在华外国人有条件适用的问题。     

Reconstruction of Criminal Defense System from the Field of "Trial-Centered" Litigation System Reform

The “trial-centered” litigation system reform, as a major task of China’s judicial reform, has drawn much attention due to its protection of the legitimate rights and interests of citizens as well as the maintenance of judicial fairness and authority. In the new-era background, the reform of the “trial-centered” litigation system will inevitably set new requirements on the litigation function, litigation structure and the judicial system as well. The perfection and reconstruction of the criminal defense system, as an indispensable part of the reform, is doomed to be an essential requirement concerning the realization of “trial-centered”. In a word, to perfect the criminal defense system is to reconstruct the lawyer defense system on the basis of a deep understanding of the connotation as “trial-centered”. To be specific, it refers to the following four aspects in the new judicial field as the full coverage of judicial field, the integration of configuration mode, the protection of subjective rights as well as the substantiation of functional effectiveness.     

人工智能对就业的影响 ：数量、结构与质量 ——基于北京市 97 家企业调查数据

近年来人工智能的技术突破引起了社会各界的广泛关注,同时对就业数量、就业结构和就业质量也产生了影响。通过对北京市97家企业的调查分析,研究得出以下结论：目前人工智能对就业的创造效应大于破坏效应,并且创造效应在应用型企业中体现得更为明显;人工智能使就业岗位、技能、人力资本结构得到优化调整,但对就业年龄结构的影响较小;人工智能在提高整体劳动报酬的同时也会造成工资两极分化的倾向,并因此提出了技能导向的技术培训新要求;目前人工智能正处于导入期,对就业数量、结构以及技能的影响初步显现,但影响还较小。     

Mind the Values Gap

Minds the Values Gap, a report published by The UK in a Changing Europe, highlights the poor alignment of the values expressed within the major parties by their MPs and their activists, with those voters who support them. Voters as a whole tend to the left on economic values, and to the authoritarian on social values. Although the data imply that it is the social authoritarianism that defines both Leave voters and Labour–Conservative switchers, this response argues that issues of national identity, democracy and sovereignty are neglected in that analysis.     

中国的基础设施建设援助与国际发展援助的“共生”——援助国产业结构差异的视角

发展与援助在二战后的制度化结合是现代援助体系诞生的标志,对外援助的道德属性被框定为帮助受援国实现发展。但在现实中,西方和中国常质疑彼此的援助道德动机,前者认为后者的基建援助是"新殖民主义"、"债务陷阱",后者认为前者的软性援助人员费过高、口惠而实不至、干涉他国内政。本文尝试在国际政治经济学框架下,将对外援助决策的规范建构与理性选择双重属性理论化,发掘一国产业结构与对外援助政策间的关联性,以解释西方与中国对外援助的特征差异和误解来源。概言之,发展通过中间变量产业结构可以分解出发展理念、发展资源和发展压力等作用机制,影响一国对外援助的部门分配,因而工业国倾向基础设施与生产性援助,第三产业国则偏好投放专业服务类援助。在全球价值链分工视野下,中国对外援助的偏好和结构具备合理性和正当性,不同援助方的发展援助既会产生竞争,也可互补共生,共同推动联合国"2030愿景"和新型全球治理的实现。     

Women's parliamentary representation: are women more highly represented in (consolidated) democracies than in non-democracies?

Although there have been many studies that address the representation of women in parliament, there are few analyses that compare the current state of gender representation between democracies and non-democracies. Focusing on Africa, Central and South America, as well as Asia and the Pacific region, this paper evaluates whether democracies have more female deputies or whether female representation increases with the maturity of democracy. While controlling for the type of electoral system, quotas, women's participation in the workforce, a state's GDP, as well as its degree of corruption and Communist regime type, this cross-national analysis reveals that the variable democracy does not affect the representation of the genders in parliament. Women's parliamentary representation also does not increase with the maturity of democracy.