战后日本对华“政经分离”原则形成述论

至中日邦交正常化之前,战后日本历届内阁对华一直遵从"政经分离"原则。"政经分离"原则虽然形成于吉田茂内阁时期,但这一原则并不是吉田或某一个政治家的主观设计,而是战后冷战体制,尤其是"日美台体"作用于日本对华关系的自然结果。把握"政经分离"原则的形成过程及其形成的根源,可以为正确理解战后中日关系或是改善或是恶化的历史表象提供一个可诠释的视角。     

从区域内贸易视角透视东北亚经济合作机制

从区域内贸易视角考察东北亚合作机制化的经济基础,同时分析区域内贸易具体特征作用于制度化合作的相关机制,有助于探寻东北亚区域合作滞后的深层原因。东北亚目前区域经济关联下各国的分散化利益诉求,很难在统一的制度性框架内实现。区域内贸易增长机制的生产—消费双重困境,又使区外力量必然成为干扰东北亚合作机制构建的因素。加强区域合作、进而扩大区内国家间的共同经济利益,可能成为破解东北亚"安全困境"的重要途径。     

广东省6～15周岁汉族人牙龄的研究

目的研究广东省6～15周岁人群牙齿钙化的规律,建立根据牙齿钙化程度推断未成年人年龄的方法。方法观测2 710例（男性1 363例,女性1 347例）广东省6～15周岁汉族人全口曲面断层影像片,对其下颌牙齿钙化程度进行评分分级,所得数据经SPSS软件统计分析,建立根据牙齿钙化程度推断年龄的方程,并以100例（男60例、女40例）研究外样本进行盲测。结果数据统计显示,两侧同名牙钙化评分分级值的差异无显著性意义（P〉0.05）,而性别间差异有显著性意义（P〈0.05）;下颌单侧8颗牙齿的钙化评分分级值与年龄相关系数（r）女性为0.552～0.759,男性为0.672～0.838;所建回归模型拟合优度（R2）均在0.7以上,估计值标准误男性为0.91～1.11岁,女性为0.92～0.98岁;盲测推测年龄与真实年龄平均误差男性为0.429±0.282岁、女性为0.399±0.252岁。结论本研究所建方法推断结果准确可靠,可用于广东地区6～15周岁人群年龄推断。     

中国汉族6-18周岁男性牙齿生长发育的年龄研究

目的研究牙齿钙化程度与年龄的关系,建立利用牙齿钙化程度推断中国汉族6～18周岁男性年龄的办程。方法通过对6568名6～18周岁汉族男性全口曲面断层影像上牙齿的钙化程度进行评分;将分级值及其对应年龄输入SPSS软件进行分析,建立推断年龄的方程模型;从研究样本外随机抽取已知年龄的样本160例进行卣测,,结果同名牙齿钙化评分值侧别间秩合检验结果P〉0．05;下颌左侧恒牙钙化评分值与年龄相关分析结果r值均存0．7以上,下颌同名牙间相关系数r均在0．9以上;所建回归模型拟合优度R^2=0．828,估计值标准误为1．23岁;阿测平均洪差为0．423±0．269岁。结论本研究所建立的方法准确可靠,可用于中国汉族6～18周岁男性人群的年龄推断。     

试论中国传统服装美学与西方服装美学的差异

服饰是透射一个民族艺术哲学理念的重要窗口。中国传统服装美学一方面受到儒家礼教规范及伦理道德的影响,注重＂美＂与＂善＂的相似性,缺乏对人体之美的正视与研究,把服装审美创作看作传播教化、塑造人格、维护礼制的形象表征,遮蔽人体曲线,宽衣博带;另一方面在道家思想统摄式思维观照下,追求衣饰与人体在整体审美上的和谐,淡化人体特征而凸显精神气韵。西方服装美学注重＂美＂与＂真＂的共同点,求真务实地强调人体曲线,以探求表现人体的本质美为审美理想。如何承袭中国传统美学智慧,又借鉴西方服装美学求真精神,创造出中国服装独有的时代语言,是中国当代服装设计师们面临的一个意味深长的课题。     

Bewitched—The Tea Party Movement: Ideas,Interests and Institutions

This article considers the development of the Tea Party movement, the character of its thinking and the nature of the interests and constituencies to which it is tied. The article suggests that despite the importance of ideas and interests, and the process of interaction between them, the movement has also been shaped and energised by institutional arrangements. In particular, it argues that there are significant numbers of independent or ‘detached’ conservatives and that the institutional architecture draws them towards political engagement but at the same time imposes constraints. The political friction that this creates has contributed to the anger that has characterised the movement. While the Tea Party movement may, as such, have only an ephemeral existence, independent conservatives are likely to remain a significant and potent constituency and will, within the institutional structures that define the American political process, give rise to other movements and protests.     

Explaining the unpopularity of public funding for congressional elections

This article uses data from the 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to explain weak support for public financing of congressional campaigns. Previous studies lack theory to explain variation in support and use a flawed measure of the dependent variable. We argue that low support reflects a failure resulting from a collective action dilemma. Citizens desire a campaign finance system that weans politicians from private donors, but are unwilling to pay a small amount in taxes to support public financing. In contrast to conventional wisdom, we show that support for public financing is highest among those perceived to benefit the most from the current system. Our results suggest that most Americans would rather not pay for politics, and that reform proposals must avoid incurring transparent costs on individual citizens to pay for reform.     

试论新形势下高校反腐倡廉理论研究工作

加强高校反腐倡廉理论研究,是建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系的重要部分,也是强化高校服务地方职能的重要途径。面对反腐倡廉理论研究的新形势、新问题,从反腐倡廉理论研究的重要意义入手,对反腐倡廉理论研究工作创新平台的作用发挥和机制保障问题进行探讨。     

On the promise and perils of citizenship: heuristic concepts,Zimbabwean example

Increasingly, struggles in the name of citizenship inspire and catch the imagination and support of individuals and groups found in a variety of locales within a nation as well as transnational spaces. At the same time, their consequences may be quite different from the assumptions and dreams of those involved in perpetuating and imagining these struggles. To analyse how new social citizenship claims can embolden and channel struggles in particular directions with varied results – the promise and perils of citizenship more broadly – I suggest that one should pay attention to the promulgators of such visions of citizenship, the techniques of promoting their claims and the cultural politics and political economies of belonging in the locales of mobilization. Drawing on an ethnographic example of a farm labour struggle in the late 1990s in Zimbabwe, I explore the importance of attending to wider shifts in the political importance of citizenship as well as its entanglement in particular localities. Through examining how farm workers are situated through such struggles, I show the promise and limits of citizenship in addressing social justice concerns of a group historically marginalized through racialized, classed and gendered processes.     

“Capacity‐building” in global Internet governance: The long‐term outcomes of “multistakeholderism”

“Capacity building” is a catch phrase from the UN development discourse. In recent years, it has entered the global Internet governance (IG) arena. At World Summit of the Information Society (WSIS 2003), “capacity building” was identified as a key public policy issue. It is proposed in this study that ‘capacity building’ be defined in a different manner – as the principal outcome of the experimental multistakeholder (MSH) process in global IG. The open and inclusive process of stakeholder deliberation leads to accumulation of intellectual capital, development of relational infrastructure for the domain (epistemic community), and emergence of common global consciousness. When cast as a capacity‐building process, MSH collaboration at global Internet governance arenas exhibits long‐term and large‐scale intangible outcomes. This study contributes to the understanding of the capacity‐building potential of MSH collaboration in IG. By employing concepts from International Relations and Organizational Learning, the author develops a model of tangible and intangible outcomes of MSH collaboration. This unique model can be used for studying the effects in other stakeholder venues of governing global resources and processes.