全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4825篇 |
免费 | 188篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 478篇 |
工人农民 | 135篇 |
世界政治 | 277篇 |
外交国际关系 | 458篇 |
法律 | 1040篇 |
中国共产党 | 305篇 |
中国政治 | 594篇 |
政治理论 | 796篇 |
综合类 | 930篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 35篇 |
2022年 | 32篇 |
2021年 | 75篇 |
2020年 | 155篇 |
2019年 | 176篇 |
2018年 | 189篇 |
2017年 | 231篇 |
2016年 | 196篇 |
2015年 | 150篇 |
2014年 | 288篇 |
2013年 | 634篇 |
2012年 | 294篇 |
2011年 | 217篇 |
2010年 | 202篇 |
2009年 | 277篇 |
2008年 | 363篇 |
2007年 | 365篇 |
2006年 | 215篇 |
2005年 | 201篇 |
2004年 | 197篇 |
2003年 | 188篇 |
2002年 | 132篇 |
2001年 | 103篇 |
2000年 | 54篇 |
1999年 | 20篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有5013条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
791.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):51-69
AbstractBoth modernist and post-modern social criticism of power pre suppose that agents frequently consent to power relations, which a political theorist may wish to critique. This raises the question: from what normative position can one critique power which is, as a sociological fact, legitimate in the eyes of those who reproduce it? This paper argues that "symbolic violence" is a useful metaphor for providing such a normative grounding. In order to provide an epistemological basis of critique, it is further argued that social actors have multiple interpretative horizons avail able to them as part of their everyday social practices. Thus, they are not caught in a preconstituted web of meaning from which there is no escape, as is sometimes implicit in the over-socialized perceptions of agency associated with post-modernism. 相似文献
792.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):167-180
AbstractThis article briefly presents some of the main features of the notion of "centrality of work" within the framework of the "psychodynamic" approach to work developed by Christophe Dejours. The paper argues that we should distinguish between at least four separate but related ways in which work can be said to be central: psychologically, in terms of gender relations, social-politically and epistemically. 相似文献
793.
《Journal of Political Marketing》2013,12(2):31-45
ABSTRACT Television viewers, journalists and social influence analysts often use the term “television character” or “media-savvy person” when referring to people (also to politicians) who draw the viewers' attention and interest (Reeves, Naas, 2000). The purpose of the research presented herein is to answer two questions: (1) what are the differences in social perception of five main personality dimensions (“the Big Five”: agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, neuroticism, and openness to experience [intellect]) of media-savvy politicians and those considered to belong to the non-media-savvy type; and (2) how traits attributed to media-savvy and media-un-savvy politicians remain connected with the viewers' political self-identification. A hundred journalism students, using an adjective list for “the Big Five” diagnosis (five dimensions of personality), were to identify their political beliefs as right wing, mixed, or left wing and to describe a politician they considered to be the most media-savvy and the least media-savvy person. Results indicate that media-avvy politicians are perceived to be more extrovert (dynamic), more open to experience, and more conscientious than their media-un-savvy counterparts; participants' (viewers') political beliefs reflect the importance of openness and conciliation in perception of media-savvy and non-media-savvy politicians. 相似文献
794.
795.
中共十八大对反腐倡廉政策的新发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中共十八大系统地分析了当代中国党风廉政建设和反腐败实践所面临的新形势,在反腐倡廉政策方面提出了新的政策问题、政策思想、政策观点、政策原则、政策目标和政策工具、政策措施,基本建构了中国目前阶段新的反腐倡廉政策体系,体现了执政党的反腐倡廉政策向科学化、民主化和体系化方向发展的趋势。深入研究中共十八大对反腐倡廉政策的新发展,对于把握未来一个时期当代中国反腐倡廉政策的走向具有重要的理论价值和实践意义。 相似文献
796.
797.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(2):170-195
Abstract This article explores the role that the worldwide movement of repatriation of human remains and cultural heritage—from museums and other institutions to minorities and indigenous populations—plays in contemporary identity politics. Beyond the obvious positive outcomes of this process, including a significant democratization of the field of archaeology, the repatriation movement poses challenges, mainly because it relies on concepts such as past–present continuity that are sometimes subtly, sometimes not so subtly, problematic for legitimizing group identities and group claims to cultural heritage and human remains. It is argued that while archaeologists and anthropologists must continue to support the idea of increasing democratization of interpreting the past, they must also maintain the right to remain critical to all claims of the past by any particular group. 相似文献
798.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):70-88
This article examines the transformation in the conceptual understanding of international intervention over the last two decades. It suggests that this conceptual shift can be usefully interrogated through its imbrication within broader epistemological shifts highlighting the limits of causal knowledge claims: heuristically framed in this article in terms of the shift from policy interventions within the problematic of causation to those concerned with the management of effects. In this shift, the means and mechanisms of international intervention have been transformed, no longer focused on the universal application of Western causal knowledge through policy interventions but rather on the effects of specific and unique local and organic processes at work in societies themselves. The focus on effects takes the conceptualization of intervention out of the traditional terminological lexicon of International Relations theory and instead recasts problems in increasingly organic ways, suggesting that artificial or hubristic attempts at socio-political intervention should be excluded or minimized. 相似文献
799.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(3):335-352
The Boko Haram, a radical Islamic group based in north-east Nigeria, has killed over 1,000 people since mid-2011. This article explores the historical origins and structural drivers of Boko Haram and puts them into context. It argues that the Nigerian government's coercive response to Boko Haram has perpetuated a cycle of violence and undermined endogenous sources of moderation based on cultural, institutional, and political conditions. State repression to implement a counter-terrorism strategy has radicalized the group, created incentives to find international sympathizers, and contributes to fragmentation that impedes political solutions. A comparison with rebellions in the oil producing Niger Delta helps identify some barriers to and opportunities for conflict resolution. 相似文献
800.
申静涛 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2013,21(1):39-42
反腐倡廉是我党一贯坚持的鲜明政治立场,是人民关注的重大政治问题。当前,我国腐败问题呈现多种特点,其危害性在于:它离间党和人民群众的关系,损毁党的执政基础;破坏社会主义经济体制机制,损害人民群众的利益;干扰依法治国,影响社会稳定;毒化思想道德,败坏社会风气。因此,应进一步加强反腐倡廉的制度建设;加强党员干部反腐倡廉的思想建设;加强党的作风建设;加强党内民主建设强化党内监督机制;进一步发挥人民群众在反腐倡廉建设中的作用。 相似文献