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951.
无论从实践效度还是精神向度看,"一方有难,八方支援"都为打赢疫情防控的人民战争、总体战、阻击战贡献了巨大力量。从实践效度看,它是一种行动力量,彰显了中国特色社会主义制度优势;从精神向度看,它是一种精神力量,为抗击疫情筑牢了精神防线,提升了防疫效能,为培育社会主义核心价值观、繁荣社会主义先进文化、构建人类命运共同体发挥了应有的作用。  相似文献   
952.
辛璄怡  于水 《求实》2020,(2):90-99,M0006
多主体的共同在场使村治空间中交织着行政权力、村庄治权、经济权力和道德权威四种主要的权力类型。不同的权力来源决定了它们之间的异质性和各自有限的作用范围。从适应性治理的角度来看,过于规整的行政权力在乡村治理中欠缺及时的回应能力,而精英个人的经济权力和道德权威又兼具实用性和风险性。相比之下,灵活的村庄治权最具治理优势,但其自身正在内外因素的制约下不断弱化。为此,应从政策引领和机制监督两方面来促成有效的乡村多元治理,减少基层行政干预、强化村庄治权、规范私人权力并鼓励精英回归。  相似文献   
953.
Abstract

This article develops and tests a model that explains election outcomes on the basis of party strategy. It employs a new comparative dataset linking representative mass surveys from six European countries with Twitter analysis of campaign activity. The expectation is that parties whose issue agendas exploit electoral opportunities while avoiding risks will be rewarded at the polls. These risks and opportunities are modelled using issue yield, a general framework summarising public support, electoral alignments, and party credibility. Empirically, the article traces a three-step process: (1) the configuration of electoral risks and opportunities (which is captured through public opinion surveys) guides party communication (measured with Twitter data), and to the degree that (2) parties design their campaigns strategically (identified through issue yield), this in turn (3) improves their electoral performance (measured using official statistics). The analysis explains some of the most salient election outcomes of recent years.  相似文献   
954.
从河南省汤阴县城内岳飞庙的匾、碑、楹联可见岳飞的廉政思想。民族英雄岳飞的廉政思想精髓体现在忠肝义胆、精忠报国、廉洁奉公、功成不居、奉身俭薄、崇尚廉俭、严于律己、孝亲爱民等方面,对当今廉政文化建设具有重要的时代价值和传承意义。具体体现在:从政者要胸怀精忠报国的人生理想,具有爱国亲民、功成不居的气节气度,奉行朴素俭薄的生活方式,自持自律、遵守严管家人和部下的行为准则。  相似文献   
955.
加强和创新社区治理是新时代的重要命题。党建引领社区治理存在着对社区党员人文关怀不足、基层党建与居民自治脱节、党建引领共驻共建单向性、基层党组织权责不匹配等问题。党建引领社区治理机制创新,在需求、技术、文化素质、激励机制和资源五大方面构建党建创新制度。要以增强党的组织力为核心,以社区组织间、党员和居民间关系的调适为基础,以邻里互助、居民自治、共驻共建为重点,以构建社区复合治理为目标,实现社区党建与社区治理的有效衔接,推动社区复合治理模式的生成。  相似文献   
956.
The study of Colombian foreign policy emphasises external constraints and presidential prerogative in foreign policymaking. Drawing on insights from recent foreign policy analysis literature and evidence from several cases (Plan Colombia, US military bases, free trade talks with China, and ICJ arbitration of a maritime border with Nicaragua), this article challenges commonplace presidentialist assumptions. A novel model of ‘contested presidentialism’ better captures how Colombian domestic actors mobilise to raise political costs to block or modify presidential preferences. When the opposition fails to raise costs, presidentialist assumptions apply. Otherwise, presidents respond strategically by abandoning policies or substituting second-best alternatives.  相似文献   
957.
吴穹 《贵州民族研究》2020,41(2):153-156
回顾南方丝绸之路研究的学术史,根据出土文物展开的考察取得了不少成果,但纸质文本的利用还稍显不足,特别是谱牒文献未得到应有的重视。谱牒文献在揭示西南各民族的人口迁徙、民族融合、文化变迁、交通及经济等方面有诸多价值,但在利用时需要辨别内容真伪、兼考多种文献、熟悉文化背景。由此可给南方丝绸之路研究呈现一种不同的视角。  相似文献   
958.
Ahrens  Jörn 《Law and Critique》2004,15(1):65-78
The decoding of the human genome, aswell as current research on human stem cellsand early embryos, demands new legal andpolitical definitions of the human species.Both the act of limiting research on humanembryos, because they are themselves human, orthe act of permitting such research since theyare not human at all, entail a very newdefinition of the human species. Where politicsis confronted with the task of defining theessence and the anthropos of the human beingand of transforming this definition intolegitimated social actions, we must admit of anincrease in civil procedures. This debate isconstantly pushing at the borders of thedefinition of `humanness'; borders which bothlimit its definition and scope. The biosciencesnot only transgress such borders but alsosubstantially damage them; concerned subjectscannot proceed against such violations of theborders of `humanness'. The transposition of adistinct non-human life form into a human oneis endangering the human being as a distinctspecies. In this case, however, Carl Schmitt'stheory of politics, as an opposition to theenemy, becomes relevant to the human organismitself as it is challenged by the appearance ofnon-human forms of life within it.  相似文献   
959.
960.
Carey and Shugart (1995) offer a four component composite index of “incentives to cultivate a personal vote.” We argue that this index, while tapping important aspects of electoral system choice, is best regarded as encompassing two distinct dimensions: degree of party-centeredness of the electoral system, on the one hand, and incentives for “parochial” behavior on the part of legislators, on the other. Also, while we have no problem with the three indicators used by Carey and Shugart to measure party-centeredness; to measure parochial incentives we prefer to use a new measure, E (Grofman, 1999a) of the size of a legislator's electoral constituency, rather than using district magnitude, m, as a proxy for a the size of a legislator's geographic constituency, as Carey and Shugart do. In the conclusion to the paper we argue that the degree of similarity between any two electoral systems will depend upon the research question at issue, and that the expected degree of proportionality of election results is only one of the many political consequences of electoral laws to which we ought to be paying attention.  相似文献   
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