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排序方式: 共有315条查询结果,搜索用时 250 毫秒
231.
民生新闻本着贴近群众、贴近实际、贴近生活的原则,创新观念、创新思维,不断满足广大人民群众的诉求和愿望,实现自身又好又快的发展。 相似文献
232.
舆论监督在民主政治生活和市场经济中具有巨大的作用,但由于有关舆论监督的立法薄弱,新闻媒体合法正当的舆论监督权得不到法律的应有保障,记者被推上被告席的现象逐年增多.因此,对舆论监督必须立法予以保护,并在司法实践中为舆论监督留下足够的法律空间,以疏畅舆论监督的渠道. 相似文献
233.
"三个代表"重要思想对我们的新闻职业道德教育与建设,具有极其重要的指导意义,它赋予了新闻职业道德新的内涵,新闻媒介的从业人员必须加强对"三个代表"重要思想的学习和实践,才能使传媒最大限度地发挥好传播信息、舆论引导的作用. 相似文献
234.
李华文 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2007,19(3):11-15
犯罪嫌疑人享有公民应该享有的一切权利,包括名誉权。因此新闻对其的报道应该是有限度的报道,即既要谴责其犯罪行为,又不能侵犯其享有的正当权利。作为新闻报道的对象,其报道价值表现在可以形成一种揭露、威慑和防范犯罪的舆论氛围,以打击和防范犯罪,形成对社会犯罪予以舆论控制的态势;对于公众而言,认清犯罪的本质,从心理上产生一种排斥感,达到预防犯罪的目的。基于报道原则和报道价值的考虑,新闻对犯罪嫌疑人的报道方式为现场报道、非现场报道和批注式报道。 相似文献
235.
236.
Beth Knobel 《后苏联事务》2020,36(4):346-364
ABSTRACT Much has been written about the specific way in which the Russian government under President Vladimir V. Putin uses television to propagate pro-government views on domestic and international politics by influencing what is aired. This paper examines the first season of The Great Game (Bol’shaya Igra in Russian), a television talk show that appears on Russia’s national television network Channel One, as an example of the government’s effort to shape public opinion. A content analysis suggests The Great Game differs from the typical Russian talk show genre in that it delivers political messages without much entertainment, providing cerebral discussions of issues that nonetheless back up all nine of the core “neoconservative” concepts underlying recent Russian political strategy. This suggests that the Russian government and television executives innovate to determine how best to use television to win over skeptical citizens to the Kremlin’s point of view. 相似文献
237.
Eiríkur Bergmann 《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2020,21(3):251-265
ABSTRACT The proliferation of fake news and of conspiracy theories has coincided with the emergence of the digital media. Although the extensive distribution of misinformation is nothing new, the emergence of online media proved to be especially fertile for conspiratorial populists in transmitting distorted information. Since 2016, conspiracy theories, disguised as news, have spread like a snowstorm across the political scene on both sides of the Atlantic. As I discuss in this paper, this climate has enabled conspiratorial populists to be especially successful in spreading suspicion of established knowledge, which they claim to have been produced by the elite and which is eschewed for its association with the powerful. Alongside the diminished gatekeeping capabilities of the mainstream media, it thus becomes ever more difficult for people to distinguish between factual stories and fictitious news often spread via unscrupulous websites, as both can be presented in the same guise. 相似文献
238.
濮端华 《南京政治学院学报》2000,16(4):91-94
非事件性新闻的论争由来已久.新闻改革的深入,使得论争已逐渐由理论层面波及实践层面.“非事件性新闻”本身提法欠妥;其实质是一种与客观报道相对应的理性报道方式;这种报道方式应坚持“理附于事”的报道原则;与客观报道相比,对其时效性要求应有所宽容. 相似文献
239.
Winners,Losers, and the Press: The Relationship Between Political Parallelism and the Legitimacy Gap
Yphtach Lelkes 《政治交往》2016,33(4):523-543
Recent work has explored how individual and institutional factors affect the gap in perceptions of political legitimacy between electoral winners and electoral losers, but has ignored the role that the political information environment, in general, and ideologically biased media, in particular, plays in exacerbating or diminishing this gap. By combining individual-level public opinion data in 28 countries, an expert survey on media systems, and a variety of country-level indicators, I find that higher levels of political parallelism in a country are associated with a larger winner-loser gap in institutional trust and satisfaction with democracy. The relationship is contingent on whether or not people are actually exposed to said media. This research, which links the study of political communication with the study of comparative political behavior, indicates that the increasing availability of partisan news around the world is a cause for concern. 相似文献
240.
Social media have increasingly been recognized as an important and effective tool for advocacy. A growing body of research examines the use of social media in grassroots and social movements as well as issues related to civic engagement, social capital, and voter turnout. The extent to which organized interest groups have adopted social media as an advocacy tool, however, has been relatively ignored. This article examines the determinants of the use of social media tools by a broad range of interest organizations. We argue that social media use needs to be understood as part of an interest organization’s larger set of news media lobbying strategies. We explain social media use as a function of two factors: first, the importance organizations place on trying to shape lobbying debates through the news media; second, the importance they place on shaping their public image via the news media. We test this argument using a unique data set of interest group advocacy in the European Union. Controlling for a host of competing explanations, regression results provide evidence supporting our central argument. 相似文献