论新闻媒体隐私权侵权指控的抗辩事由

一般而言,舆论监督不得侵害隐私权,但公共利益需要、当事人同意、合理公众兴趣、监督对象是公众人物、使不可辨认等,可以成为新闻媒体应对隐私权侵权指控的主要抗辩事由。     

谈新闻写作

如何能在众多的新闻事件中,让你的新闻报道脱颖而出,本文首先以独特的视角和操作技巧论述了如何通过及时性、冲击性、显赫性、接近性、冲突性、异常性、当下性、必要性几个方面去判断选取具有新闻价值的事件;其次笔者以多年的新闻从业经验,通过理解事件,想说什么,着重展现等方面的论述,将新闻写作的可操作性变得简单易学。总之,敏锐的观察、不懈的笔耕,加上正确的方法一定能写出好的报道,对步入新闻行业的新人具有指导作用。     

析政治传播视角下的早间电视新闻节目

随道我国政治文化的逐渐发展,对于政治传播学的研究已越来越广泛,政治传播也已成为了我党宣传大政治方针,获取民意的一项重要手段。政治传播是与大众传播相依相伴的,不论是电视、报纸、广播、网络还是新媒体,都是政治传播的有效渠道,这里,我们主要探讨一下早间电视新闻节目的政治传播功能。     

Re-imagining News Values and Labels of Controversies with Reference to Political Scandals

Abstract

Scandals involving heads of state are generally the staple diet of news media. Internationally, the Bill Clinton-Monica Lewinsky scandal and former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s “bunga bunga” sex escapades are some of the most memorable. In South Africa, scandals that marred former president Jacob Zuma’s term of office have continued to be the centre of attention long after he resigned as president. During his presidency, Zuma became one of the most covered (reported in the news) leaders across media platforms, in South Africa and beyond. This was largely due to allegations including corruption, his relationship with the Gupta family, and misuse of government funds to renovate his private property. Evoked in the media by various labels of controversy, the media frenzy dominated headlines in South Africa at the time. This article presents an account of how journalists actively construct labels for controversy associated with newsworthiness. The article makes a theoretical link between labels of controversies and news values, and argues that these labels are, in spite of their significance, the most understudied phenomena in mainstream journalism literature today. Fifty-eight news articles were examined by means of content analysis for the labels that journalists constructed.     

论对新闻的立体策划

随着科技的发展,报纸、广播、电视、互联网四大媒体的互相渗透,决定了独家新闻时代的基本终结.那么在新闻竞争如此激烈的今天,作为一个媒体如何才能在竞争中立于不败之地呢?该文较详细剖析了独家新闻时代基本终结的原因,列举了当今中国各媒体的立体化报道的态势,同时分析了什么样的立体策划才能高人一筹.     

The Impact of the Terrorist Attacks of 9/11 on Anti-Islamic Hate Crime

Abstract

Using existing data from the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, time series analyses were conducted on hate crime data from 2001 around the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. A statistically significant increase in anti-Islamic hate crime occurred after 9/11, and anti-Islamic hate crime leveled off within 8 weeks of the occurrence. News stories reporting anti-Islamic hate crimes, stories reporting fear of such bias crime, and public calls for calm, tolerance, and/or reaction to anti-Islamic bias crime followed a similar pattern found within the official data. A city-by-city analysis found that UCR reported anti-Islamic hate crime was essentially non-existent in New York City and Washington, DC. It is suggested that public calls for calm and tolerance and in-group/out-group dynamics may have impacted anti-Islamic hate crime frequency, thus accounting for rises and reductions in this form of bias crime over time.     

论公安新闻图片的悲剧美

在进入读图时代的今天,以社会治安和公共安全为核心内容的公安新闻图片在平面媒体和网上广泛传播。揭露假恶丑,直面天灾人祸的悲剧性公安新闻图片常常成为社会关注的热点,其正面效应的美所产生的信息传播力、艺术感染力和影像见证力在舆论宣传、文化育人和记载历史上的作用均不可忽视。     

Partisan Bias in Message Selection: Media Gatekeeping of Party Press Releases

Parties try to shape media coverage in ways that are favorable to them, but what determines whether media outlets pick up and report on party messages? Based on content analyses of 1,496 party press releases and 6,512 media reports from the 2013 Austrian parliamentary election campaign, we show that media coverage of individual party messages is influenced not just by news factors, but also by partisan bias. The media are therefore more likely to report on messages from parties their readers favor. Importantly, this effect is greater rather than weaker when these messages have high news value. These findings have important implications for understanding the media’s role in elections and representative democracies in general.     

Coverage of bombings for political advantage: Turkish on-line news reporting of the 2016 Ankara attacks

On 17 February 2016, a suicide bomber blew himself up, killing 28 people and injuring another 61 in the “heart” of Turkey’s capital Ankara. A few hours after the attack, the Turkish government blamed Salih Neccar from the (mostly) Kurdish-Syrian People’s protection Unit (YPG). Two days later, the Kurdistan Freedom Hawks (TAK) claimed responsibility and named the bomber as Abdülbaki Sömer a Turkish citizen. The bombing is part of a resumption of violence in Turkey between Turkish government authorities and Kurdish groups. In this paper, we examine how on-line news stories recontextualise the bombing. We assert that news sources multimodally recontextualise the bombing in ways which are advantageous to the news organisations’ owners, political alliances and supporters. By each news source representing their political interests unquestionably positive and opposition unconditionally negative, polarisation in Turkish politics is articulated. This does nothing to solve problems and heal wounds in a time of national crisis.     

(Un)twisted: talking back to media representations of eating disorders

In 2014–2015, there were several news reports about a rise in the diagnoses of eating disorders (EDs), as attributed to the use of image-driven social media. Such coverage can be situated within a long history of concern in which those diagnosed with an ED are constructed as ‘especially vulnerable’ to the power of media images – a subjectivity which is pathologised and devalued precisely through its association with femininity. The most incisive objections to EDs being presented as a response to the ‘weight’ of media representation have come from Abigail Bray (2005) in her work on how anorexia is constructed as a reading as well as an eating disorder. In exploring the results of 17 semi-structured interviews with people who have experience of an ED discussing their encounters with media representations of EDs (material that is often co-opted into debates about the ‘toxic’ nature of media culture in this regard), this article uses empirical evidence to intervene in how ‘ED’ media subjectivities are often defined. In particular, it aims to explore the qualitative responses in the context of more ‘every day’ understandings of media engagement, thus working against the gendered pathologising which has persistently occurred.