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171.
宋一苇 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2012,11(2):32-34
知情权是公民最基本的人权之一,保障公众知情权是新闻传播盼本质要求和重要任务。新闻传播环境因素对媒介知情权乃至公众知情权的影响是多方面的。在当前新闻传播环境下。当务之急是保证媒介及公众知情权的实现。 相似文献
172.
孟金梅 《北京政法职业学院学报》2006,48(4):15-19
国务院的《艾滋病防治条例》于2006年3月1日起实施。社会对《艾滋病防治条例》的反应不一,积极评价与消极评价并存。本文认为,虽然存在不足,但《艾滋病防治条例》制定的意义重大,它标志着中国艾滋病防治法制的建立。 相似文献
173.
电视时政新闻报道实证研究三题 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
赵中颉 《西南政法大学学报》2004,6(3):25-31
本文聚焦于重庆电视媒体的时政新闻报道,从具体业务切入,对其进行了比较系统的实证研究。首先从文化品位的角度。围绕片头、播音员、栏目设计、文字、声音和画面等具体业务,探讨了地方主流电视台的定位。其次针对电视时政新闻报道缺少同期声、缺乏真实性和现场感、违背电视新闻"声画合一"要求的积弊,提出了解决的措施。最后集中阐述了创造电视时政新闻报道精品的具体途径和办法。文章立足于电视时政新闻报道实例基础之上,对电视时政新闻报道业务工作的改进,具有一定的现实指导意义。 相似文献
174.
熊忠辉 《南京政治学院学报》2003,19(6):120-123
市场经济条件下,信息的生发、需求与传播环境发生了重要变化,电视新闻需要实现质的飞跃。电视新闻应加大对新闻本体的解读,为观众提供"澄清"和"解惑"的信息,同时应致力于新闻群组开发、信息环境经营等方面的改革。 相似文献
175.
当新闻成为武器之后 --伊拉克战争与当前军事新闻传播现象的理论思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
戴俊潭 《南京政治学院学报》2003,19(5):111-114
伊拉克战争预示着战争正在告别传统进入"后现代",它以新的作战理念与游戏规则为军事新闻传播活动带来不同往昔的影响军事新闻传播是以"事实第一性"还是"利益第一性"为原则?军事新闻的正义诉求与大众媒介的娱乐化消解构成何种关系?当国家利益在力量游戏中被合法化后,新闻自由以何种形式实现?这些不能不引起人们的深入思考. 相似文献
176.
钱叶卫 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2003,18(3):91-93
医疗纠纷案件 ,判决执业医师钱某对溺水少年杨某之死不承担法律责任 ,某报社新闻报道却“判决”钱某致死杨某 ,一桩源于医疗纠纷的名誉侵权案件 ,钱某为何败诉 ?本文试图从新闻报道侵害名誉权的构成要件及判决书写作问题予以探究 相似文献
177.
Nicholas Jones 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2003,3(1):27-31
Democratically elected governments are having to respond to an increasingly media‐driven society. The pressures imposed by 24‐hour news media are unrelenting: growing demands for access and information show no sign of abating. Tony Blair and his personal spin doctor, the Downing Street director of communications, Alastair Campbell, are at the cutting edge in developing media techniques which seem likely to be tested as never before, as democracies around the world have to grapple with astute propagandists like Osama bin Laden. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
178.
新闻权与公众人物名誉权的冲突与救济 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
窦衍瑞 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2005,20(5):33-34,37
公众人物基于特殊身份,其名誉权与公共利益密切相关,与一般公民的名誉权具有显著的不同。新闻权与公众人物名誉权的冲突,性质上应当属于公益性权利与私权利的冲突。在司法救济中理应对新闻权予以特别保护。 相似文献
179.
Anna Roosvall 《社会征候学》2016,26(1):76-93
Lately, possibilities of producing and spreading news pictures have increased explosively through online media. Concurrently, religion has become increasingly salient in politics and news. Both processes are connected to globalization. This study encompasses globalization, religion and online images and aims to convey how online world news slideshows represent religion, and more particularly how linguistic and visual parts of picture paragraphs are interrelated, as well as related to representations of different religions. Methodologically multimodal analysis and discourse analysis are combined, focusing on composition of images and (dis-)connection of images and texts. Theories on globalization and possibilities and particularities of online news (pictures) and slideshows, frame the analysis. Tendencies to templates for different religions are found. Many religions appear as aesthetic commodities in images, whereas Islam in texts “sells” images of violence/destruction. Image–text relations are thus crucial both in the creation of meaning and of commodities in online news image culture. Two main image–text types are identified: “Religion in text, (potential) violence/destruction/despair in picture” (Islam) and “Spirituality/worshipping/aestheticism” (other religions). The world news slideshows have crucial roles as containers for these polarized image–text types, where they are related to and defined by each other in the genre's (cl)aim to cover the whole world. 相似文献
180.
Catie Snow Bailard 《政治交往》2016,33(4):583-604
The clear financial benefits accrued to owners of television stations as a result of the Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission (FEC) decision opens the door to an important question: Did the degree to which media corporations benefited from the changes in campaign finance law influence their news outlets’ coverage of the Citizens United decision? In other words, is it possible to identify variation in how media outlets covered the Supreme Court decision that correlates with the degree to which those outlets’ parent companies profited from the resulting increase in campaign spending? Answering this question will provide an important and much-too-uncommon opportunity to systematically test for bias in news coverage. Replicating the method used by Gilens and Hertzman (2000) in their own test of coverage of the 1996 Telecommunications Act, this analysis reveals that newspapers belonging to media corporations that own more television stations covered the Citizens United ruling systematically differently—and more favorably—than those with few or no television stations. This has important implications for the degree to which the news produced by increasingly conglomerated and corporatized media companies may eschew neutral or balanced coverage in favor of news frames that promote their own financial interests. 相似文献