全文获取类型
收费全文 | 658篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 12篇 |
工人农民 | 11篇 |
世界政治 | 6篇 |
外交国际关系 | 111篇 |
法律 | 133篇 |
中国共产党 | 17篇 |
中国政治 | 130篇 |
政治理论 | 93篇 |
综合类 | 163篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 20篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 19篇 |
2016年 | 19篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 43篇 |
2013年 | 126篇 |
2012年 | 36篇 |
2011年 | 34篇 |
2010年 | 42篇 |
2009年 | 39篇 |
2008年 | 30篇 |
2007年 | 53篇 |
2006年 | 29篇 |
2005年 | 22篇 |
2004年 | 38篇 |
2003年 | 27篇 |
2002年 | 18篇 |
2001年 | 25篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有676条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
新闻犯罪是伴随信息社会的到来所必然出现的社会问题,它的产生是由新闻工作者新闻法制观念的淡薄、新闻媒介和新闻记者地位的错位、正确价值观念的沦丧三方面所致.新闻犯罪具有主体特征、主观特征、客体特征及客观特征,打击并有效控制此类犯罪的必要途径是完善刑事立法、发挥刑法威慑作用并辅以法律、职业道德培训. 相似文献
72.
73.
李坤 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2012,25(3):43-45
隐私权作为当代社会基本人权之一,越来越被世界各国所重视。要维护新闻报道中公众人物的隐私权,尤其是犯罪新闻报道中的隐私权,就必须完善相关的立法,尽快出台《新闻出版法》及《新闻法》,同时要加强媒体自律意识,自觉遵守职业道德规范。 相似文献
74.
李小红 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2012,24(4):74-78
重大事项议决权是地方人大常委会的一项法定职权.地方人大常委会的这一职权具有从属性、抽象性、综合性.行使重大事项议决权要坚持自主创制性和民主参与性,同时还要注意到实体和程序的结合性.地方人大常委套应就重大事项不议决与议决不当承担相应的法律责任或政治责任.地方人大常委会重大事项议决责任的问责主体有原选区选民和原选举单位两类;问责方式主要是罢免. 相似文献
75.
当前我国正处于社会转型的关键时期,公安工作所面临的政治、经济、法律、文化等各方面的环境发生了深刻的变化.近年来,我国警察执法公信力之所以受到各方的关注,其原因不仅在于公安机关本身,还在于公安工作所面临的外部环境发生了变化,如行政权力干预、民生问题、公众的认知、新闻媒体的报道等都会对警察执法公信力产生影响. 相似文献
76.
This article offers a conceptual exploration of the changing notion of trust and distrust in today's news media ecology. Central is the question whether the relationship between the traditional media actors, media organisations, journalists and news users, can be increasingly characterised by distrust. Do we really notice a decline in trust in the news media? And moreover, are these feelings of distrust grounded? In order to answer these questions, we look at the changing economic, technological and societal context and how this might explain the strained relationship between these actors. We find that to a large extent the goals of the media actors diverge or even conflict. Mutually bridging these goals is difficult as they boil down to ideological and normative choices. This requires us to reconsider our ways of looking at trust. Therefore, this article's central argument is that a trusted relationship between the media actors is unlikely to result from a definitive settlement between the actor's conflicting goals. Rather, maintaining a trusted relationship is likely to become a matter of constant renegotiation. For this renegotiation to succeed, transparency and integrity are key. We find inspiration in the recent work of Solove (2001), Nissenbaum (2004) and Mansell (2008, forthcoming) to take a different, more contextual approach towards the notion of trust. As regards the relationship between news organisations and users, we suggest these norms should be negotiated in a balanced and transparent way, giving users an equal say in the process. The relationship between journalists and news users should be guided by a mutual interest in truth telling, whereby users are not only merely seen as consumers, but also as potential contributors to news stories. Policy makers in turn should act as facilitators of such spaces of renegotiation. 相似文献
77.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(1):147-162
The errors associated with measuring the number of militia and patriot groups may cast doubt on conclusions drawn from prior studies of the spatial variation of these movements. Most studies of militias have been qualitative investigations of a single group, state, or region. A growing number of studies, however, have used quantitative techniques to assess the hypothesis that the number of militia groups by state covaries with structural and cultural forces. We outline a number of concerns with the validity of the counts, conducted by the Anti‐Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center, used by these studies. We re‐estimate models from previous studies using the four alternative measures of these groups employed in prior studies. We find that many inferences drawn for identical theoretical models differ based upon the measure used. These discrepancies apply not simply to tangential control variables but to indicators of key theoretical constructs. In other words, the decision as to whether or not a particular theoretical framework receives empirical support often depends upon which measure of the dependent variable is used. This suggests that the inconsistent findings in prior research may be due to measurement error and makes it difficult to assess the validity of the conclusions drawn from these studies. It is important to be aware of these weaknesses since scholars studying political crimes and related phenomena often use information from similar sources, making this specific example relevant to a more general area of research. 相似文献
78.
干部人事制度改革是政治体制改革的核心内容之一,目前已经进入深水区。而理论和实践认识上的一些偏差和误区,是当前改革深入推进的重大障碍。为此,必须厘清党管干部原则与坚持和尊重群众、党员主体地位的关系,科学执政与民主执政、依法执政的关系,"一把手"负责制与集体领导的关系,群众公认与不唯票数的关系,信任关心与监督批评的关系。处理好这五个关系是深化干部人事制度改革的关键和重要前提。 相似文献
79.
恶意举报在群众举报中占有一定的比例。本文在分析探讨了恶意举报类别、危害性、存在的原因基础上,建议完善法律责任制度,给举报者设定责任义务,建立奖惩激励制度,加大宣传力度,改善执法方式,从而减少恶意举报的发生。 相似文献
80.
AbstractThe analysis of issue politics has long suffered from a fragmentation between valence and positional conceptualisations, preventing the effective development of a general model of issue-based party competition. Building on an overview of the evolution of party competition in the Western world in recent decades, this article offers a theoretical development that builds on ‘issue yield’ theory to provide a conceptualisation of political goals that generalises across positional and valence issues. This in turn allows a common measurement strategy, offering the possibility to comparatively assess various characteristics (including the electoral potential) of both positional and valence issues. Finally, it describes the specific research design derived from this framework and its implementation in comparative perspective in six West European countries during 2017–2018. 相似文献