关于俄罗斯对东西伯利亚石油出口实行零关税的几点思考

俄罗斯石油储量和开采量均位世界前列,石油和石化产品的大量出口对俄罗斯经济发展起着重要的支撑作用。2009年2月,俄罗斯政府通过了对东西伯利亚石油出口实行零关税的决议,对这项新政出台的背景及执行期限等问题进行分析,有利于加深对俄罗斯石油出口政策的进一步理解。     

谈1990年代女性油画家创作特点及文化意义——以女画家喻红1990年代系列油画创作为例

1990年代女性油画家们的创作在理解框架、诠释结构、观察角度与价值标准表达等方面,表现出了显著的女性艺术特征。这种艺术现象与新时期以来的社会文化背景密切相关,具有鲜明的艺术个性与文化意义。     

论油污应属巨灾保险承保对象

油污符合巨灾保险承保对象所具有的损失发生巨大性、风险发生概率低、风险预测难度大和风险难以分散的识别标准,应属于巨灾保险承保对象.油污巨灾保险具有公共产品属性、石油利益的获得者具有广泛性、侵权损害赔偿责任呈现社会化分担趋势,故政府应当作为油污巨灾保险的投保人.将油污纳入巨灾保险体系中,有助于丰富油污保险类型,构建油污巨灾保险与普通油污保险二元并列的局面,以社会力量督促石油行业提高安全生产力度,并达到弥补普通油污保险、油污基金、政府救济等其他油污灾后救济制度缺陷的目标.     

Gunning for security governance in a resource-rich African state? Interrogating militarisation in a democratic Nigeria

ABSTRACT

This article examines the socio-historical factors that underpin the political sociology of militarism in Nigeria. In spite of subscribing to a democratic constitution and several regional mechanisms that advance democratic values, security governance in Nigeria has been marked by the increasing use of military force in responding to perceived threats posed by armed militias in the oil-rich Niger Delta. I argue that the securitisation of oil is fuels militarisation, facilitated by local, national and international actors. The turn to democratisation and changing conceptions of security have reinforced rather than reined in militarism, which results in a competitive and often violent politics between national, local and global security and military actors over access to and control of oil resources. These dynamics also result in dangerous socio-economic and political consequences for Niger Delta communities.     

The Tanzanian Villagisation Programme: Its Impract on Household Production in Dodoma

The survival of authoritarian regimes has for a long time been associated with the availability of rents derived from oil and gas. In particular, military oil regimes have been able to withstand the challenge of domestic opposition even at difficult times because these regimes could ultimately count on oil and gas revenues. As this article demonstrates, the Qadhafi regime had been particularly adept at surviving by using oil and gas rents. But there is a limit to what these rents can explain: in 2011 however the regime fell after a brief civil war, in which external forces played a central role. The role played by the European and NATO interventions points to the limits of the oil and gas rents. The changed distribution of international resources amongst domestic Libyan actors contributed to the rebels' victory, indicating that international factors should be better incorporated into studies of both authoritarian survival and democratisation.     

AFRICOM: a threat or an opportunity for African security?

The establishment of an African military command by the United States reflects the growing focus of the United States on Africa in the US National Security Strategy, which appears to be continuing under new US President Barack Obama. This article deals with several questions. What is the stated US National Security Strategy pertaining to Africa? What national interests does the United States have in Africa? What is the United States officially saying about its objectives in Africa and what has it actually been doing to date? And what are other opinion makers saying about US military involvement in Africa? Finally, it looks at the question of US perceptions of possible rivals in Africa and at potential scenarios for conflict before making a series of conclusions about the threats and opportunities posed by AFRICOM for Africa, and recommendations for a response to AFRICOM on the part of policymakers in South Africa.     

SA‐EU‐chile: Pioneers in north‐south relations

A look at the many plans, processes, agreements and disagreements that have led the Congo to its current transition phase.     

Indonesian local party politics

Since the fall of Soeharto in 1998, economic reforms have been linked to internationally supported programs to introduce market-facilitating “good governance” practices, which include the promotion of democratic elections and administrative and fiscal decentralization. International development organizations have thus put forward decentralization as necessary, essentially, to save Indonesia from becoming an irredeemably “failed state” — an issue that has now grown in importance because of the current nature of Western security concerns in Southeast Asia. But this article suggests that the way decentralization has actually taken place can only be understood in relation to the entrenchment of a democratic political regime run by the logic of money politics and violence, and primarily dominated by reconstituted old New Order elites. Taking local party politics in North Sumatra and East Java as case studies, the article shows that local constellations of power, with an interest in the perpetuation of predatory politics, still offer significant sites of resistance to the global neoliberal economic and political agenda.     

论公民海洋环境安全权——由渤海湾漏油事故引发的思考

2011年6月发生在我国渤海湾石油钻井平台的满油事故,给公民海洋环境利益造成巨大损害.目前受害公民实现索赔却略显艰难,其根源就在于公民海洋环境安全权的缺失.公民海洋环境安全权作为一种新兴的集合性权利,其产生和发展有着深刻的认识论、经济学和法学基础.该权利与其他公民权利并行不悖,并与其他法律制度相融合.本次渤海湾石油泄漏事故也在一定程度上拷问着公民海洋环境安全权的实践现状.