我国科技奖励评审制度的法律思考

我国科技奖励制度的法律基础是宪法规定的,科技活动的广泛性、专业性、复杂性要求科技奖励的评审制度在内容上应体现高度的科学性、公正性和权威性,在形式上应集中突显制度化、规范化和程序化。我国现行科技奖励评审制度及立法现状还存在一些问题,完善我国科技奖励评审制度应建立健全法律保障体系,评审过程必须体现社会公认的道德观念和法律规范,对现行的评审体系及评审方法进行改革。     

论无正本提单交付货物的若干法律问题

在国际海上货物运输中 ,由于航运技术的发展 ,船舶航速日益提高 ,相应地 ,因提单的延误而引发的承运人无正本提单交付货物的问题也日益突出和严重 ,甚至于对提单的功能产生了冲击。本文主要分析了承运人承担无正本提单交付货物法律责任的法理依据以及法律责任的有关问题。     

Who Toes the Party Line? Cues, Values, and Individual Differences

This article explores individual differences in citizens’ reliance on cues and values in political thinking. It uses experimental evidence to identify which citizens are likely to engage in heuristic processing and which citizens are likely to engage in systematic processing in developing opinions about a novel issue. The evidence suggests that political awareness crisply distinguishes between heuristic and systematic processors. The less politically aware rely on party cues and not on an issue-relevant value. As political awareness increases, reliance on party cues drops and reliance on an issue-relevant value rises. Need for cognition fails to yield clear results. The results suggest two routes to opinion formation: heuristic processing and systematic processing. Political awareness, not need for cognition, predicts which route citizens will take.     

On the Nature of Tolerance: Dichotomous or Continuous?*

The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.     

剥夺政治权利执行难问题探讨

在社区矫正工作中,剥夺政治权利执行难问题反映突出.本文主要从社区矫正制度和剥夺政治权利这一刑罚制度两方面检视剥夺政治权利执行难的原因,同时就剥夺政治权利执行难问题的解决提出了一些建议.     

近代城市发展与义冢、丙舍问题--以上海为个案

上海开埠后，租界当局借口卫生与公共建设的需要，无视中国传统的习俗和有关协议，一再清理界内的义冢与丙舍，招致了国人的强烈抵制，但其管理思路毕竟反映了近代城市发展的客观要求，民国时期，上海地方当局正式将殡葬纳入城市发展规划，文明的殡葬服务方式逐渐为市民所接受。     

高职院校教学管理体系建设的探索与实践 --以长沙民政职业技术学院为例

教学工作是高等学校的中心工作，教学管理在高等学校管理中占有特别重要的地位。教学管理体系包括教学管理组织体系、教学管理目标体系、教学管理制度体系、教学质量监控与保障体系。在进行教学管理过程中，长沙民政职业学院按照全面质量管理的理念，探索建立起高效能的、灵活运转并能创造性工作的教学管理体系，达到了规范教学管理、提高教学质量和效益的目的。     

Pre-electoral coalitions in comparative perspective: A test of existing hypotheses

Despite the vast coalition literature, pre-electoral coalitions have never been at the center of any systematic, cross-national research. Given their prevalence and potential impact on government composition and policies, this represents a serious omission in our knowledge of coalitions. I begin to remedy this situation by testing two hypotheses found in the literature on party coalitions. The first is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form in disproportional systems if there are a sufficiently large number of parties. The second is that pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form if voters face high uncertainty about the identity of future governments. These hypotheses are tested using a new dataset comprising legislative elections in 22 advanced industrialized countries between 1946 and 1998. The results of the statistical analysis support the first hypothesis, but not the second.     

Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims

Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se.