加强党性修养是改进党的作风建设的有效方法

党的作风方面存在的问题很多 ,根本原因是党的领导干部和党员思想上的问题 ,是党性修养上的问题 ,因此加强党性修养是加强和改进党的作风建设的有效方法。     

"落实"问题是党和政府亟待解决的重要课题

再好的决策 ,如果得不到落实 ,对改革开放和现代化建设是没有任何意义的。围绕解决落实问题 ,我们必须更新思维方式 ,改进工作作风和方法 ,努力提高落实的能力和水平     

论党的思想作风建设的四个重要层面

加强我党思想作风建设,目前亟待解决好变革精神状态、思想观念、理论认识、思维方式等问题。     

村民自治条件下农村基层党组织领导方式的调查与思考

山西农村党组织发挥领导核心作用的状况是 :30 %发挥作用多 ;6 0 %属于中等 ;10 %发挥作用比较差。转变农村基层党组织的领导方式势在必行 ,这是执政党实现领导的本质要求 ;是执政党执政规律的内在要求 ;是实行村民自治的迫切要求     

党校重视对学员学风的培养与教育--回忆在党校学习的时候

山西省委党校培训干部 ,主要学习马克思主义基本理论 ,也有历史、语文、逻辑学等课程。培训目的是帮助干部确立正确的世界观、人生观、价值观 ,培养良好的思想、工作、生活作风 ,从而坚定社会主义、共产主义的必胜信念     

Beliefs in a Just World as a Buffer Against Anger

Anger is the emotion typically accompanying unfairness appraisals. Belief in a just world (BJW) was expected to buffer against angry feelings because subjects high in BJW play down unfairness, justify unfairness as being self-inflicted, and avoid self-focused rumination. Three studies were run to test this hypothesis. A questionnaire study revealed that subjects who strongly endorse the belief in a personally just world are less likely to experience anger and, if they do experience such feelings, are less likely to suppress them. In two experiments, an angry, a happy, or a sad mood was induced. In the anger-evoking condition, subjects high in BJW were less angry and suffered no decrease in self-esteem compared to subjects low in BJW, who reported increased feelings of anger and decreased self-esteem. It is concluded that individuals high in BJW are better able to cope with anger-evoking situations, and that BJW can be seen as a personal resource protecting not only mental but also physical health.     

香港的政党与政党政治

在港英政府 2 0世纪 80年代开始的政治体制改革中 ,随着选举政治的兴起 ,香港的政党破土而出 ,并逐渐发展起来。香港进入特区时代以后 ,政党的格局趋于稳定。随着政党的形成和发展 ,香港的政党政治也逐渐稳定下来 ,形成香港特有的政党政治。政党和政党政治的发展 ,又改变了香港的政治生态 ,使香港的政治发展出现新的面貌。     

“被”字句的语体差异考察

“被”字句在不同语体中的分布及句法结构、语义特征都有差异。用“叫、给、让”来表示被动的句子只能出现在文艺语体中，并且“叫、让”后的宾语不可省略；在“为＋所”构成的“被”字句中，动词既可以是处置动词，也可以是判断动词和心理动词，并且不同类别的动词在“为＋所”“被”字句中的句法表现并不相同。文艺语体中“被”字后以带宾语为常见，而事务语体和科技语体中“被”字后以不出现名词性成分为常态；政论语体中，“被”字句的动词可以是光杆动词。     

Parliamentary Bills of Rights: An Alternative Model?

This paper examines the emergence of a new model for protecting rights (referred to as the 'parliamentary rights' model) in Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the Australian Capital Territory. This parliamentary model is distinguished from the more traditional, judicial-centric, approach to rights protection in at least two ways. The first is that this parliamentary rights model incorporates the notion of legitimate political dissent from judicial interpretations of rights. The second way it challenges the court-centred model is by incorporating the systematic evaluation of proposed legislation from a rights perspective. Both of these features allow for the possibility of a broader range of perspectives on the appropriate interpretation of rights or the resolution of disagreements involving claims of rights than those arising from more judicial-centric bills of rights. The paper assesses whether this alternative approach to rights protection satisfies those sceptics who doubt the virtue or prudence of conceiving of political disputes as legal rights claims for which the judiciary has the dominant role in their interpretation and resolution.     

论蒋捷词的艺术风格

南宋遗民词人蒋捷的作品大多描写个人身世飘零的凄凉命运,善于选择青竹、风荷等一系列意象,触目伤怀,寄托遥深,表达出深重的故国沦亡之悲.其词风独特,悲凉中蕴含郁勃之气,又能以流丽之笔抒写深沉愁绪;想象丰富,造境奇幻;一些语言浅俗、明丽的作品已显示出鲜明的散曲化倾向.蒋捷词的创作对于清代词风也产生了诸多影响.