新媒体时代决策科学化探析

在信息时代,网络、手机等以网络信息技术为基础的新媒体的快速发展,为决策科学化带来了机遇和挑战.决策科学化需要大量的信息和专家咨询,需要民主参与以及有效的反馈和监督机制.新媒体的广泛应用为决策科学化奠定了坚实的技术基础.     

The 2011 general and presidential elections in Singapore

For the first time in Singapore's history, two elections were held in a year. In 2011, Singaporeans voted in a general election on 7 May and in another competitive presidential election on 27 August. Faced with a stronger opposition force and an emboldened electorate, the ruling People's Action Party won the elections but achieved the worst results since the country's independence.     

新媒体语境下的青少年创造力发展

创造力关系到国家发展,也关系到青少年成长。对于青少年来说,新媒体的数字化、大容量、易搜索、匿名性、交互性及互动性,在带来发展的挑战的同时,必然会对其创造力的培养带来有益的信息环境。新媒体整体上的异质性对青少年形成了强烈吸引,从发散性思维的四个维度去看,新媒体的兴起给青少年创造力的培养带来了新的机遇。青少年创造能力的培养关乎国家发展,更是有效抵制新媒体的消极作用,推动新媒体环境下青少年主动发展的重要内容,要从创造志向、创造精神、创造技能三个方面积极运用新媒体,实现青少年创造力的发展。     

全媒体时代的检察机关执法公信力建设

在全媒体的时代背景下,检察机关的执法活动越来越成为社会各界和新闻媒体关注的焦点,这给检察执法公信力建设带来机遇的同时更带来挑战。一方面,检察权运行不完善之处在个案的报道中会被放大,检察机关回应全媒体的能力还有待提高,另一方面,全媒体对公众的司法期待也有推高作用。因此,加强检察执法公信力建设,首先应健全检察权运行机制,保障检察机关依法规范行使检察权,让全媒体"无懈可击"。利用好全媒体,开展多层次的检务公开,将检察改革的蓝图和思路、检察执法的依据和过程展示给公众。一旦发生了涉检网络舆情,积极推进检察执法的公关活动,及时向全媒体和公众传递重要的信息,争夺舆论的主导权。     

新技术媒介对法官的三重意义——基于“媒介环境学”的省思

随着司法信息化战略的推进,新媒介对法官逐渐具有了三重意义。首先,新媒介是法官的传播手段。法官负有实施和宣传司法公开之职责,新媒介急剧提升了传播的速度和范围,但可能会弱化司法文化价值。其次,新媒介是法官的裁判辅助。以智能化媒介为代表的新媒介逐渐被应用于司法审判之中,提升了司法效率,但可能会改变法官认识过程,影响其个案参与程度、理性能力培育和真理判断标准。最后,新媒介正在成为法官之替代方案。新媒介为审判过程引入了技术要素和科学权威,削弱了法官在审判过程中的主导权、话语权,最终可能会危机法官审判权力资格。这三重意义既是机遇也是挑战,法官应当合理、适度和理性地对待新媒介,以提升司法宣传效果,发展审判能力并捍卫审判主导地位。     

Future of South Korea–Japan Relations: Decoupling or Liberal Discourse

South Korea–Japan relations are at their lowest point in decades, as colonial era disputes flare once again. Most pundits argue that the South Korean public is strongly united against Japan. We argue that South Korean elites are sharply divided over how to manage the crisis; this division is starting to impact how South Koreans understand colonial era narratives; and, long-term, bilateral relations depend on how these growing divisions play out. Despite state censorship, a rising counter-narrative in South Korea challenges the dominant, Manichaean, anti-Japanese one. For the first time, Korea and Japan have a realistic chance of reconciling based on liberal public discourse and a nuanced, empirically based understanding of history.     

自媒体时代的政治传播秩序及中国调适

政治传播秩序系政治秩序与传播秩序有机耦合而成。自媒体时代政治传播秩序变革呈现出新图景:“传-受”关系角色融合,信息流动立体对冲,“权势”格局去中心化,“节点”移位流程再造,线上线下双层互动,参与沟通机制转向,情感意见高度聚合,政治目标共生共享,文明契合价值转化,总体模式类型蜕变。应对自媒体时代政治传播秩序变革,中国应做出主动调适:确立政治传播秩序由“一元主体”主导到“多元主体”共享的总体理念;把新时代中国特色社会主义协商民主的秩序要求贯通到政治传播新秩序的建构中;更新对政治传播“内容”的理解,扩充“政治信息”的内涵和包容量;释放政治信息的生产权和传播权,激活政治传播秩序中媒体的独有能量;依托中国特色社会主义政治传播秩序的优势,为全球政治传播新秩序贡献中国经验。     

How political malpractice affects trust in EU institutions

Abstract

Political misconduct is known to harm the politicians involved. Yet, we know less about how such events affect trust in political institutions. We study a real-world political malpractice affair in the European Commission, using a three-wave panel design to investigate how information about the affair influences trust in EU institutions. This enables us, first, to isolate the impact of new information on political trust, remedying endogeneity issues common in political trust research. Second, we assess which institutions are affected most (specificity) and whether effects depend upon citizens’ sophistication levels (conditionality). Finally, we assess the durability of effects over time. Our findings demonstrate that citizens obtain knowledge about EU affairs through the media, and use this knowledge in their trust evaluations. In doing so, citizens differentiate between EU and national institutions, with trust in the European Commission affected most. This suggests a sophisticated process and highlights the evaluative nature of political trust.     

Partisan dealignment and committee power in five Westminster parliaments

What explains the power of parliamentary committees? A large literature on the United States Congress sees strong legislative committees as a consequence of legislators’ incentives to cultivate a personal vote. These incentives are typically understood to be determined by formal electoral rules. How legislatures are elected thus shapes how they are organised. This article argues that explanations of legislative organisation should also consider a non-institutional source of personal vote-seeking incentives: voters’ partisanship. Where partisan dealignment is more extensive, legislators have stronger incentives to develop a personal vote. Where committee systems are more powerful, legislators have better opportunities to do so. Partisan dealignment should thus lead to stronger committee systems. This argument is supported by analysis of original data on the postwar evolution of committee systems in five ‘Westminster’ parliaments. Partisan dealignment is associated with larger committee systems, and with larger expansions of committee systems.