Japan＇s ＂unsettling＂ past： Article 11 of San Francisco Peace Treaty and its ramlncatlons

Article 11 of the Treaty of Peace with Japan （San Francisco Peace Treaty） has become a rallying point for some activists and historians in their endeavor to have Japan recognize its ＂war responsibility＂ and redress its ＂unsettled past＂. The provision stipulates Japan＇s acceptance of the ＂judgments of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East and of other Allied War Crimes Courts both within and outside Japan＂. The wording of this provision, which is ambiguous enough to leave a room for its re-interpretation later, was a result of a compromise among the World War lI Allies. Yet, neither archival investigation of the article＇s drafting process nor a survey of the opinions of U.S. legal experts in the public international did not prove the validity of the revisionist thesis. Nevertheless, the treaties Japan signed with its former colony （Korea） and belligerent （China） left the settlement of war-related issues obscure, creating a leeway for initiating later controversies. The end of the Cold War heralded the re-evaluation of World War I1 settlements. The subsequently created agitated environment surrounding the historical discussion of Japan＇s so-called ＂unsettled＂ past has been ＂unsettling＂ enough to prevent the Japanese leaders from establishing a uniform interpretation of Article l l, and has added impetus to the movements pressuring Japan to recognize its ＂war responsibility＂. Although interested parties have so far cited Article 11 mainly to demand ＂inaction＂ from Japan, such as to discourage Japanese political leaders from visiting the Yasukuni Shrine, there is a growing indication that some may well utilize it to demand Japan＇s ＂action＂--to pay indemnities to the victims of Japan＇s alleged atrocities through various forms of redress movements.     

《高校毕业生就业协议书》的法律性质及其完善

《高校毕业生就业协议书》是我国就业体制从计划经济体制向市场经济体制过渡过程中,对高校毕业生就业的一种管理方式,是介于国家分配(派遣)和市场寻找(劳动合同)之间的一种特殊产物。由于对就业协议的法律性质和责任承担尚无立法上的明确规定,导致就业协议在实践中产生诸多问题,因此必须对就业协议进行完善使之与劳动合同合二为一,直至取消就业协议。     

论《反分裂国家法》的立法理念

立法是制订行为规范的高度抽象活动,立法主体必须以一定的思想、理念为指导.本文对<反分裂国家法>的立法理念进行探讨,认为该法蕴涵着民主、法治、和平、科学的立法思想与理念.     

The Liberal Peace Revisited: The Role of Democracy,Dependence, and Development in Militarized Interstate Dispute Initiation, 1950–1999

We test a model of the liberal peace by examining the initiation of militarized interstate disputes at the monadic level of analysis from 1950–1999. Liberal peace theory contends that both economic dependence and democratic political systems reduce conflict propensities. Extant empirical analyses of the monadic liberal peace, however, are under-specified. First, the concept of economic dependence not only includes trade, but also foreign investment. Second, existing models do not control for the influence of economic development. Previous research on the monadic liberal peace has also failed to distinguish between the initiation of conflict and participation in conflict. We find evidence for a liberal peace: trade dependence, foreign investment, and democracy reduce a state’s propensity to initiate militarized disputes.     

Domestic politics and interstate disputes: Examining US mid involvement and reciprocation, 1870–1992

Increasingly scholars have become interested in conflict behavior that falls short of war. Chan (1997), for example, has insisted that a concern for less intense engagements is crucial for fully understanding the conflict‐proneness of different regimes. Chan (1997) furthermore noted that scholars have generally failed to account for whether a state was the initiator or target of a dispute. Such a distinction, however, is crucial for discriminating the pacific effects of democratic culture and institutions. In this paper, I investigate the domestic determinants of US MID involvement and reciprocation from 1870 to 1992. I find that politics does not stop at the water's edge. Unlike Gowa (1998) who found no relationship between the use of force and dissatisfaction with the status quo, I uncover an association between US domestic conditions and whether the US was an initiator or target of a MID. Not only is the US more likely to be targeted during periods of domestic political weakness, but Democratic administrations also appear to be challenged to a greater extent than their Republican counterparts. Furthermore, when targeted, the US is much more likely to reciprocate when the initiating state is a non‐democracy suggesting that regime type continues to play an important role in conflict propensity even after a demand has been made.     

Civil War Settlements,Size of Governing Coalition,and Durability of Peace in Post–Civil War States

We examine the ways in which the size of the governing coalition in a post–civil war state affects the durability of the peace. Previous studies relate the durability of the peace to the outcome of the civil war, the extent and forms of power-sharing arrangements, and the role of third-party security guarantors. We argue that the way conflict terminates and the power-sharing agreements between former protagonists structure the composition of governing coalition in the post–civil war state. Any settlement to civil war that broadens the size of the governing coalition should increase actors' incentives to sustain the peace rather than renew the armed conflict. Peace is more likely to fail where the governing coalition is smaller because those excluded from the governing coalition have little to lose from resuming armed rebellion. To test these propositions, we analyze data on post–civil war peace spells from 1946–2005.     

Lost in Translation: The Problem of Perceptual Limitations in Civil War Peace Negotiation

This article examines the negative role that actors' perceptual limitations play in civil war peace negotiation by reviewing the Sino-Khmer Rouge interplay during the Cambodian peace negotiations (1987–1993). The study contends that China continually failed to challenge the Khmer Rouge's negotiation strategies, which were founded on the faction's flawed understanding of its situation. Moreover, the inadequate communication between China and its client faction and the Khmer Rouge's lack of institutions for obtaining and analyzing information are identified as the two main reasons for the failure of Chinese intervention.     

关于构建和谐世界的新思维

构建和谐世界的重要思想是当代国际关系理论的崭新命题,也是中国外交的重要理论创新,是对马克思交往理论的运用和实践。当前,构建和谐世界要牢牢把握持久和平、共同繁荣这两大命题。尊重和维护文明的多样性,以平等开放的精神,加强不同文明的对话和交往,在对立统一中互利共生,在竞争比较中取长补短,在求同存异中共同发展,以实现各种文明兼容并蓄的和谐世界。     

Negotiating sustainable trade: explaining the difference in social standards in US and EU preferential trade agreements

Since the early 2000s, both US and EU Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) include social standards that aim to protect workers and the environment. However, the US and the EU have chosen fundamental different approaches for the enforcement of these clauses. While the US pursues a sanction-based approach, the EU solely relies on dialogue and cooperation mechanisms. Hence, to the surprise of many, social standards in U.S PTAs appear to be stricter than the ones in EU PTAs. Why do the two biggest trade powers of the world handle social clauses in PTAs so differently? In this paper, I argue that disparities in domestic politics account for their different strategies towards social standards. Drawing on the principal-agent literature, the paper analyses the PTA negotiations of the US and the EU with Peru and Colombia.     

English as an equalizer between Arab and Jewish students in Israel

This paper describes an educational intervention program between 12 Arab and 12 Jewish students who were studying to become teachers of English as a Foreign Language (EFL) in Israel. The study reports on the ways in which the program impacted the participants, and focuses on the role of English, the Lingua Franca and language of communication, in creating neutral grounds for mutual understanding and contact. The outcomes show that English played a crucial part in facilitating open, pluralistic dialog and intercultural communication in intergroup contact. English acted as a bridge between Jewish and Arab students, in the current Israeli conflictual situation, to enhance communication across boundaries. Findings further indicate that while the participants were aware of the cultural, social, and religious differences between them, they recognized the similarities that brought them together and chose to focus on them as the basis for collaboration. The study suggests implications for teacher education and for continued political activism and community involvement toward peace education among future teachers in Israel.