Collusion and Facilitating Practices: A New Perspective in Antitrust Analysis

A systematic revision of the notion of facilitating practices is put forward in this paper, with the purpose of relaxing the long-debated tension between economic and legal perspectives on oligopoly. Whereas the law knows of just one collusive illegal conduct, namely agreements, in economic theory the focus on internal enforcement makes the distinction between agreements and other behaviour resulting in the collusive outcome irrelevant. However, the tension may be relaxed, at least in a number of relevant circumstances, provided the focus of competition law shifts from straightforward co-ordination on market strategies to the firms' concerted efforts in the design and implementation of given organisational arrangements of the oligopolistic industry, to which an anticompetitive object can be attached. The theoretical analysis is extensively supported by examples drawn from some recent decisions of the European Commission and the Italian Competition Authority.     

邓小平的和平观与中国和平崛起

邓小平和平观为中国和平崛起奠定了坚实的理论基础.邓小平和平与发展的实践为中国和平崛起创造了良好的周边环境.和平崛起的道路就是中国特色社会主义发展的道路.我们既要坚定不移地走和平崛起的道路,又要迎接严峻的困难和挑战.     

传统文化与中国领导人对外观新探

文化是综合国力的重要标志,它在冷战后的国际政治中正起着越来越重要的作用。中国传统文化中的对外观具有先进性和进步性。新中国几代领导人对中国传统文化进行了创新,对世界和平与地区稳定起到重要作用。     

全球化背景下的国际合作导向

20世纪80年代以来，“全球化”概念已逐渐被世界各国所接受，成为跨越国象和民族界限的共同理念。维护世界和平，促进共同发展是国际合作的目标。当今世界各国问的经济合作与化交流更加广泛和深刻，而建立国际经济政治新秩序已成为国际合作的要求。在全球性问题不断出现的形势下，各国必须加强国际合作，使这一问题通过各国的共同努力，在世界范围内得到解决。面对科学技术的飞速发展，经济全球化进入了新阶段，从而也促使各国经常开展国际合作性的研究与开发。经济全球化加强了各国间的接触和日益密切的交往，不但使多边主义受到越来越多国家的推崇，而且使国际合作也将进入互信合作的新阶段。     

新中国成立以来毛泽东军事道德思想的发展

毛泽东军事道德思想形成于新中国成立前。新中国成立后 ,在领导社会主义国防现代化建设过程中 ,党的三代领导极大地发展了这一思想。一、确立了军事道德在社会主义精神文明建设中的地位 ,把军事道德纳入了社会主义精神文明的范畴 ,突出了军事道德在精神文明建设中的重要性。二、丰富了战争与和平的道德观。在“和”与“战”的标准上突出了国家、民族利益 ;在“和”与“战”的价值选择上 ,突出了“以和抑战” ;在对待战争的态度上 ,突出了战争对社会主义建设危害的认识 ,表达了社会主义建设时期我党的慎战思想。三、深化了对人与武器关系的道德认识。明确指出了在“人与武器”关系中的“人”是有道德的人 ;提出要用军事道德作为武器装备现代化的道德保证。四、完善了军事道德的原则与规范。     

关于订立劳务派遣服务协议若干问题的思考

在劳务派遣三方法律关系中,争议较多地集中在劳务派遣机构与用工企业之间的权利义务划分上。为了实现实施劳务派遣的预期目的,劳务派遣机构与用工企业应按照法律的规定以及各自的具体情况,合理、公平地设定劳务派遣服务协议中各项条款的内容。     

India's South Asia policy in the twenty-first century: new approach,old strategy

Maintaining regional supremacy and stability and denying extra-regional actors a military foothold in South Asia have long been key objectives of India's regional policy. In pursuance of these objectives, India displayed a willingness to undertake coercive action against its smaller South Asian neighbours. Evidence of this is seen in the military intervention in Sri Lanka (1987–1990) and a virtual economic blockade of Nepal (1989–1990). However, during the past decade, India appeared to draw away from such overt interventionist policies and even accepted outside actors like Norway and the United Nations being involved in the peace process in Sri Lanka (2002–2006) and Nepal (2006–2011), respectively. Notwithstanding India's apparent shift in behaviour, these actions do not represent a fundamental change in the country's traditional policy towards the region.     

和平是中国特色社会主义的显著特征

中国特色社会主义是"主张和平的社会主义"。它既不同于苏联时期搞对外争霸的社会主义,也不同于历史上曾经出现的对内以阶级斗争为纲,对外以意识形态划线的社会主义,当然更不同于西方大国所奉行的弱肉强食的资本主义。中国实行的和平社会主义是目标、政策和实践三位一体的社会主义,是反霸权的社会主义,具有真实性和持久性。     

Police Reform and the Peace Process in Guatemala: the Fifth Promotion of the National Civilian Police

After 36 years of mostly authoritarian rule and often bitter civil conflict in Guatemala, the December 1996 Peace Accords prepared the ground for a new phase of reconstruction, democratisation and social and institutional reform. Prior to the Peace Accords, policing in Guatemala had been often violent, repressive and subordinated to the counterinsurgency logic of the military. Security sector reform intentions included the abolition of existing police forces and the creation of a new National Civil Police (PNC). The PNC was meant to give substance to a new way of policing in tune with the building of democratic governance and effective law enforcement. This paper examines the general background of the reforms, discusses the limitations of the results so far, and takes a particular and critical look at one of the key components of the police reform: the recruitment and training of PNC aspirants, using the case of the 1999 Fifth Promotion that entered the Academy of the PNC.     

BRICSAM and the non–WTO

We highlight the seeming emergence globally of a non–WTO; a patchwork quilt of regional and bilateral trade management arrangements dealing with issues well beyond what the WTO covers and reflecting a wider and different set of concerns. In particular, we discuss recent regional trade and economic partnership agreements of a group of large population, developing economies (BRICSAM: Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN, and Mexico). Perhaps 50 out of 300 agreements that exist worldwide involve BRICSAM countries; most are recently concluded and will be implemented over the next few years. They exist along with extensive bilateral investment treaties, mutual recognition agreements, and other country to country (or region) arrangements. This paper aims to document and characterize the agreements and analyze their possible impacts. Agreements differ in specificity, coverage and content. In some treaties there are detailed and specific commitments, but these also co–exist with seemingly vague commitments and (at times) opaque dispute settlement and enforcement mechanisms. No overarching bloc–wide strategies seem to exist but whether these represent an emerging structure for newly negotiated reciprocity and trade management or instead largely limited content diplomatic initiatives which co–exist alongside significant WTO (World Trade Organisation) disciplines is the issue. This paper has been written as part of the BRICSAM project underway at The Centre for International Governance Innovation, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. We are grateful to Andrew Cooper, Sylvia Ostry, Daniel Schwanen, Terry Sicular, Gilbert Winham, Ron Wonnacott, and three anonymous reviewers for discussions and suggestions.