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91.
Faranak Miraftab 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2001,15(1):143-160
In the context of the current global trends such as polarization of social groups and intensified poverty, there is a serious risk that gender gaps in access to shelter widen among the poor to the detriment of women's social, economic, and personal well-being. Paradoxically, these conditions also provide certain opportunities for women, including their greater community-based mobilization and leadership role. This paper examines these risks and the opportunities they bear upon and stresses the need for intervention in four areas of rights, access, security, and empowerment. The paper draws on a participatory research project carried out by the United Nations Gender and Habitat program in 1992 to 1999 in low-income settlements of Africa, South Asia, and Latin America. 相似文献
92.
Michaelowa Axel Betz Regina 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(2):267-279
Currently, the EU-15 forms the only 'bubble' under the Kyoto Protocol and has negotiated an internal burden sharing. A strategic EU climate policy should include accession countries. Thus, even in the case of early ratification of the Kyoto Protocol by 2002, it would be sensible to form a bubble with all countries that are certain to be EU members during the commitment period 2008–2012. Of course due to Art. 4.4 of the Protocol the EU-15 has to stick to its own bubble. However, nothing prevents it from forming an implicit bubble including all first wave countries by inducing them to form a bubble on their own and transfer the surplus to the EU-15. Similarly, second wave countries should form a bubble of their own to co-ordinate JI and permit transfers to the EU. This would reduce the gap between business-as-usual and the target by about 50%. If ratification is delayed to a point where it is clear which second wave countries will be members by 2008, the bubble should be extended by those countries. When in 2005 target negotiations start for the second commitment period, the EU should negotiate a bubble consisting of all states being certain to be members by 2013. 相似文献
93.
王韧农 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2007,1(1):24-29
企业"走出去"是我国参与国际经济合作的重要途径。目前,我国海外直接投资企业足迹遍布五大洲,海外投资规模不断扩大,投资主体也日趋多元化。我国企业在"走出去"取得成效的同时,还面临很多困难,有时甚至遭受严重的挫折。加强对东道国法制环境的研究,可以帮助企业减少"走出去"的障碍,最大限度地实现海外投资目标。 相似文献
94.
DAN HOUGH 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(2):253-263
Communist successor parties in central Europe are not a homogeneous group of political actors. Processes of organisational reform undertaken in the immediate post-1989 period placed them on a programmatic trajectory which has since proven difficult to successfully modify. Parties that centralised power around a small group of elite actors have enjoyed more flexibility in their attempts to maximise votes and remain ideologically broad. Parties that radically democratised by empowering their memberships and/or middle-ranking officials have remained much more ideologically conservative and have tend to be neo-communist in orientation. This has strongly affected not just their positions in national party systems, but also their attitudes and behaviour towards foreign actors/institutions. Some communist successor parties therefore remain side-lined on the anti-capitalist far-left while others have developed into confident, outward-looking centre-left actors while one - the Slovak SDL - imploded on account of its own internal contradictions. 相似文献
95.
Karlsson Sylvia I. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(2):195-213
This paper looks at the particular challenges that cross-level interdependence has for the use of knowledge in decision-making for environmental governance. Analytical questions surrounding knowledge generation, use, and flow and the role of institutions in shaping these arise in a multi-level context. By using results from a study on pesticide use in developing countries, some of the particular challenges in relying on scientific knowledge for governance of globalized environmental issues are illustrated. The case involves a situation with significant mismatches between access to and need for knowledge by decision-makers at the different governance levels. The exploration of various strategies to address such mismatches allow discussions not only on the role of knowledge and institutional design but also their limitations and how more inclusive values would serve a system of multilayered governance. 相似文献
96.
在世界多极化和经济全球化的时代,研究欧盟对华经贸政策的历史演变,分析其影响因素,对促进世 界经济、政治以及中欧关系意义重大。 相似文献
97.
张立华 《山东行政学院学报》2004,(1):99-100
2l世纪初的国际环境对中国战略机遇期的发展至关重要。任何国家实现国家目标的过程都是国际互动过程,大国关系、国家安全及周边环境等因素将会影响中国未来的发展。 相似文献
98.
99.
中国与东盟社会主义国家政治交往实践:现状、成果及问题 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
中国与越南、老挝这两个东盟社会主义国家的政治交往内容丰富,形式多样,富有成效。这种政治交往加深彼此了解,增进友好互信,扩大各领域互利合作,推动各自国家的社会主义建设,提升社会主义的影响力,促进中国与东盟的合作,维护地区和世界的和平稳定与发展。中越、中老的政治交往也在一些问题上存在着矛盾和分歧有待解决。 相似文献
100.
An important milestone in the development debate is the recognition of poverty as a multidimensional phenomenon via the capabilities approach. However, a challenge remains in that many governments in less-developed countries continue to avoid prioritizing issues of absolute deprivation. This paper demonstrates how and why existing efforts to operationalize capabilities may distract policy makers from giving sufficient weight to issues of basic survival. We propose that international organizations can address this challenge through a method of triangulation: (1) identify how countries rank on universal goals of human development; (2) identify how countries rank on universal goals of basic needs provision; and (3) promote participatory poverty assessments. This approach ensures that absolute deprivation issues are addressed, and it establishes an acceptable (and necessary) balance between standardization and local complexity. 相似文献