大学生班干部现状分析

大学生班干部是大学校园中非常重要的群体，是辅导员和班主任的助手，更是班风、学风的领跑者。但近年逐渐出现班干部频繁更换，没人愿意当班干部的问题。纠其原因主要在于班干部所处的环境压力大以及欠缺自我奉献精神。了解到此情况后，班主任对班委成员进行了引导，使此现象有所改善，班干部队伍现已趋于稳定，且已呈现出良好的班风和学风.     

Stronger core,weaker fringes: the Danish general election 2019

Abstract

The 2015–2019 election period was long; hence, the election campaign had already begun when the Prime Minister called the election for 5 June 2019, just 10 days after the EP election. Nine already established parties, one old yet unrepresented party and three new parties, two of which are (very) opposed to immigration, fielded candidates across the 10 electoral districts for the 175 seats in parliament (excluding the four MPs elected in Greenland and the Faroe Islands). The overlapping EP election, climate and immigration characterised the campaign agenda. One of the new (anti-immigration) parties made it into parliament, and among the established parties, some were (more than) halved, others were (more than) doubled and some remained stable. In particular, the two government (supporting) parties, Liberal Alliance and Danish People’s Party, received a slap in the face from the electorate. While the Prime Minister’s party, the Liberals, did well, the majority shifted to left of centre, which resulted in a minority Social Democratic government headed by Mette Frederiksen, supported by the Red?Green Alliance, Socialist People’s Party and Social Liberals.     

论“亚腐败”文化影响下党的作风建设

"亚腐败"极易导致不正之风盛行,损害公共权力的廉洁性,影响党群关系和谐。对"亚腐败"零容忍、进行标本兼治,才能真正有效地提升新时期党的作风建设科学化水平。     

中国共产党执政理论和执政方式创新的目标与对策——基于对济南市局、处级领导干部的问卷调查

在社会不断变革和开放的环境中,党的执政环境、工作重心、领导对象和面临的主要问题与矛盾都发生了巨大的变化,党的执政理论和执政方式需要根据新的要求作出相应的调整和创新。我们要在准确把握党的执政理论和执政方式创新的实质内涵的基础上,对创新党的执政理论和执政方式所要解决的现实问题进行深入的分析与研究,在实践中努力探讨党的执政理论和执政方式的创新路径。     

毛泽东的廉政思想和中央苏区的廉政建设

中共十八大提出中国特色反腐倡廉、预防腐败的＂一路、三清＂新思想,孕育于中央苏区时期,特别是那时毛泽东的廉政思想和中央苏区的廉政建设实践。毛泽东廉政思想根源于党的宗旨,核心是真心实意地为群众谋利益,主要指向是＂两个反对＂,基本特点是＂两个强调＂,贯彻的重要途径是＂两个深入＂。中央苏区廉政建设的制度基础一是设立廉政机构,二是健全廉政制度。苏区干部好作风是中央苏区＂三清＂的生动写照。毛泽东廉政思想和中央苏区廉政建设的现实意义在于：一定要坚持真心实意地为最广大群众谋利益,坚持反腐败斗争,保持共产党的先进性和纯洁性,坚持艰苦奋斗、勤俭节约的优良传统,坚持求真务实、调查研究的工作作风,坚持改革开放,实现中国特色社会主义制度的自我完善。     

Marching to the Left? Programmatic Competition and the 2017 Party Manifestos

This article analyses the content of the 2017 general election manifestos, and introduces the latest estimates from the Manifesto Project to explore recent ideological movements in the British party system. It reports the changing policy emphases in Conservative and Labour manifestos and the ideological positions of the major political parties in 2017. It finds that Theresa May's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1964, and that Jeremy Corbyn's party produced its most left‐wing manifesto since 1992 and the election before the advent of New Labour. The article also finds that the ideological space between the Conservatives and Labour opened up in 2017, and that Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionists published the most right‐wing manifesto.     

Regulatory capitalism and its discontents: Bilateral interdependence and the adaptability of regulatory styles

The expansion of global trade has produced new challenges for the effective governance of product safety. We argue that many of these challenges arise at the bilateral level from the interaction of more or less adaptable national regulatory styles. When regulatory styles are unadaptable they produce gaps in risk management, slow and contested resolutions to crises, and limited regulatory cooperation. To examine these claims empirically, we study bilateral food safety regulation in four major exporter–importer dyads: China–Japan; Canada–United States (US), China–European Union (EU), and the US–Japan. The China–Japan dyad is the most adaptable, combining China's “export segmentation” regulatory style with Japan's strongly “risk‐averse, interventionist” style. The Canada–US dyad operates effectively, bringing together Canada's “global market–conforming” regulatory style with the US strategy of “sovereign regulator.” The China–EU dyad is less adaptable because the EU's “harmonization” regulatory style makes it difficult for the EU to adapt to the weaknesses of the Chinese food safety system. Finally, the US's sovereign regulator style clashes with Japan's interventionist style, making them the least adaptable of the four dyads. The paper concludes with a discussion of the broader relevance of our findings for the development of regulatory capitalism.     

The Success of the Regionalist Parties in the 2014 Elections in Belgium

In May 2014, and for the second time in her political history, regional, federal and European elections were organized simultaneously in Belgium. In the direct follow-up of the sixth state reform, which increased the powers and autonomy of the Belgian Regions and Communities, these elections were crucial for the future of the country and for the multi-level coalition formation at the regional and federal levels. The political campaign was dominated by socioeconomic issues and demands for further autonomy, particularly in the Flemish region. Regional electoral results confirmed the success of the regionalist parties in Flanders, but also in Brussels and in the German-speaking Community. These successes allowed regionalist parties to enter all regional and federal governments—often as the dominant party—with the exception of the Walloon and the French-speaking Community cabinets.     

The 2015 Regional Election in Italy: Fragmentation and Crisis of Subnational Representative Democracy

In May 2015, voters in seven Italian regions went to the polls to elect new regional councils and governments. The final election result was apparently similar to that of 2010: centre-left coalitions won in five out of seven regions, as in the previous election, leaving the remaining two to the centre-right. Yet behind this picture of stability, dramatic changes have occurred in the internal composition of regional coalitions, cross-party equilibriums and levels of participation. Generally, regional party-based democracy seems to be experiencing increasing fragmentation and a crisis of representation and legitimacy.     

美国干涉与老挝1955年选举

根据1954年日内瓦会议协议,老挝于1955年将进行全民选举。美国将老挝视为在印度支那地区防范共产党势力发展的重要阵地。为使老挝新政府成为一个亲西方的反共政府,投入了大量的人力和物力。美国在将老挝纳入其冷战轨道的同时,也破坏了老挝的独立与发展。