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601.
ABSTRACT

Much is said about the importance of leadership in policing. In policing leadership is a key variable in organisational effectiveness, public confidence and employee well-being. We demand that our police leaders are ethical, decisive, skilled, and have the internal and external legitimacy needed to exert influence inside and outside the workplace. There are many advantages to such a pipeline approach to organisational leadership, and it presents organisations with an unparalleled opportunity to develop leaders and leadership talent over an extended period. There are questions, of course, about how much advantage our police organisations really take of this opportunity; how coherently leader development is planned and organised; and how effective our development models are. In this paper, we explore leader development in Australia, the United States and the United Kingdom. Drawing on data collected through semi-structured interviews with established senior police leaders in each country we explore development journeys, opportunities for learning inside and outside of policing, the impact of leader development on leadership-style and decision-making, and how well-prepared leaders feel for their roles having transited their organisational pipelines. Drawing on these data we present a model for leadership development that calls for individual and organisational work. By seeing leadership in terms of organisation capacity, rather than individual capacity, the model encourages a comprehensive and more cohesive approach through police education and other initiatives to developing our organisational leaders, and recognises too that preparing individuals is only part of the story.  相似文献   
602.
The 2016 presidential nominating process presented the American public with an interesting and tumultuous set of contests. Despite the unique nature of both the Democratic and Republican contests, the candidates stuck to the usual campaign activities to help influence voters. However, one of these campaign tactics, campaign visits, has been vastly understudied. Using a uniquely compiled dataset and a hierarchical linear model, I am able to test how campaign effects, including visits, as well as an individual’s predispositions impacted vote choice in the 2016 presidential nominating contests. The results demonstrate that the 2016 presidential nominating contests were decided based on a combination of both campaign activities and individual-level predictors.  相似文献   
603.
In this study, we investigate collaboration efforts between leaders at schools of music and performing arts and leaders at compulsory schools, as well as the drivers behind the initiation and maintenance of such collaborative work. One driver is an existing concern about the lack of qualified music teachers at compulsory schools. We argue, however, that the real force behind such collaboration is a strong belief in the pure value of music and art among the collaborating leaders. Our findings indicate that value congruence and social exchanges across the organizations in question, provides the core basis for an effective collaboration.  相似文献   
604.
ABSTRACT

Leadership decapitation, as a means of hindering the operations and hastening the demise of terrorist organizations, has been the subject of a growing body of research. However, these studies have not examined how an organization’s position in a broader network impacts its ability to weather decapitation. We argue that highly networked organizations possess characteristics that make decapitation less effective. To test this argument, we combine data on leadership decapitation with network data on terrorist organizations and find that well-networked organizations are resilience to leadership decapitation. Our study has implications for our understanding of how terrorist organizations respond to counterterrorism efforts.  相似文献   
605.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1-2):133-153
ABSTRACT

Okamura reviews the 2008 US presidential campaign and the election of Barack Obama as a ‘post-racial candidate’ in terms of two different meanings of ‘post-racialism’, namely, colour blindness and multiculturalism. He also discusses his campaign and election from the perspective of Asian America and Hawai'i given that Obama has been claimed as ‘the first Asian American president’ and as a ‘local’ person from Hawai‘i where he was born and spent most of his youth. In both cases, Obama has been accorded these racialized identities primarily because of particular cultural values he espouses and cultural practices he engages in that facilitate his seeming transcendence of racial boundaries and categories generally demarcated by phenotype and ancestry. Okamura contends that proclaiming Obama as an honorary Asian American and as a local from Hawai‘i inadvertently lends support to the post-racial America thesis and its false assertion of the declining significance of race: first, by reinforcing the ‘model minority’ stereotype of Asian Americans and, second, by affirming the widespread view of Hawai‘i as a model of multiculturalism.  相似文献   
606.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1-2):15-42
ABSTRACT

Ward explores the diverse ways in which memories, understandings and misunderstandings of the 1960s were mobilized during the 2008 election cycle. At the time, Barack Obama's campaign and triumph were hailed by many as marking a series of a decisive breaks with the past, notably with the culture wars and fiercely ideological political partisanship unleashed in the late 1960s. Others suggested that Obama represented a new kind of candidate who somehow transcended, or might even heal, the racial divisions in the United States, in a fanciful vogue for ‘post-racialism’ that Ward argues was also connected to popular conceptions of the 1960s and, in particular, to a misreading of the social philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr and his ‘I Have a Dream’ speech. While some commentators stressed rupture and discontinuity with the past in interpreting Obama's victory, others—friend and foe alike—were keen to stress continuities with the past, often explicitly with a 1960s routinely, if simplistically, parsed into ‘good’ early and ‘bad’ later periods. ThusWard considers Obama's connections to the civil rights and black power movements, as well as to other 1960s organizing traditions, charismatic leaders and conceptions of federal government, arguing that the decade continues to offer an important, if ambiguous touchstone in contemporary American politics and social memory.  相似文献   
607.
城中村改造涉及各种利益冲突,事关社会经济生活的有序运行,人民权利的实现;危及公众的切身利益、公共利益和公共安全;影响城市的发展、和谐与稳定。因此,在城中村改造中必须确立政府责任。人民主权原则是政府责任确立的理论基础,城中村改造市场存在着市场缺陷与市场失灵,需要政府"看得见的手"进行干预是政府责任确立的客观要求。城中村改造面临的困境是政府责任确立的现实诉求,政府主导是政府责任实现方式的集中体现,尽快制定和出台《城中村改造法》是政府责任确立的路径选择。  相似文献   
608.
Felix Kumah-Abiwu 《圆桌》2016,105(3):297-310
This article examines Ghana’s foreign policy-making with reference to internal and external determinants (structural/systemic). Besides these determinants, political actors (primarily, presidents/heads of state) have shaped the country’s foreign policy outcomes, but this field of enquiry (i.e. the individual-level analysis) has not, received much attention in the literature. To enhance the understanding of leadership and personality traits in foreign policy-making, this study draws on the theory of Leadership Trait Analysis to examine Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s foreign economic policy in the early 1980s. It argues that the leadership traits of Rawlings to some extent shaped Ghana’s foreign economic policy decisions in the early 1980s.  相似文献   
609.
Leadership and career readiness are important goals for youth development. Entrepreneurship has recently been considered as a potential intervention to support these aims. This study examined a venture development program for low-income youth through participant surveys (n?=?57) and a comparison group (n?=?72). Findings from structural equation modeling indicate relationships between the program and project management skills, which in turn was associated with youth leadership. Findings also showed relationships between the program and financial literacy, which was associated with an increase in future orientation. This study shows early evidence of entrepreneurship and venture creation as mechanisms to support marginalized youth.  相似文献   
610.
When Theresa May became Prime Minister in July 2016, she joined a list of eleven previous UK takeover leaders in the past 100 years. While the popular image is of Prime Ministers arriving in power after a general election victory, more than half of the Prime Ministers who governed since 1916 have acceded as ‘takeover leaders’ through an internal party process. This article analyses how such takeover leaders perform, concluding that May is likely to face greater obstacles and enjoy fewer advantages than if she had been popularly elected. Takeover leaders have less time in power and less chance of winning subsequent elections, and are generally rated as worse‐performing.  相似文献   
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