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691.
The directly elected executive mayor was introduced to England a decade ago. Drawing inspiration from European and American experience, the elected mayor appealed to both New Labour and Conservative commentators in offering a solution to perceived problems of local leadership. There was a shared view that governance of local areas was failing and that elected mayors were the answer. The first local referendums were held in 2001. Most have continued to reject the idea of the elected mayor. During 2012, the coalition government initiated 10 further mayoral referendums in England’s largest cities but only one, Bristol, opted for an elected mayor. Overall, there is no evidence of widespread public support, yet the prospect of more mayors – with enhanced powers – remains firmly on the policy agenda.Drawing from a decade of research, this paper considers reasons for the persistence of the mayoral experiment, the importance of local factors in the few areas where mayors hold office and the link to current policy debates. Using the authors’ analytical leadership grid, this paper links the governmental, governance and allegiance roles of mayors to the problematic nature of local leadership. It then draws tentative conclusions about the strange case of the elected mayor in England. 相似文献
692.
Jungin Kim 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(6):874-893
This research examines whether collaborative leadership significantly influences the financial sustainability of local government. Unlike other studies on financial sustainability, ours examined collaborative leadership’s effect on both subjective and objective financial sustainability by controlling for socio-demographic and economic factors (i.e., population size, population density, population aged over 65 years, unemployment rate, and gross domestic regional product) that influence the financial sustainability of local government. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analysis of data collected from local revenue officers as well as secondary data from local governments in South Korea revealed that collaborative leadership has a positive effect on the subjective perception of financial sustainability and a negative effect on the objective financial sustainability (net debt) of local government. These findings underscore the necessity of collaborative leadership for financial sustainability as well as the strategies needed for its development in local government. 相似文献
693.
Steve Leach 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(3):445-461
The Comprehensive Performance Assessment (CPA) process introduced in the wake of the Local Government Act 2000 was in essence a managerial tool applied to a political environment. An analysis of the Commission's first tranche of CPA reports reveals a particular perspective on the role of politics and parties in local authorities which raises issues about the Commission's competence and legitimacy to make such judgements. Composite pictures of the ‘good political authority’ and the ‘poor political authority’ can be drawn up, which display a degree of political naivety and a failure to recognise the differences between political and managerial logic. It is concluded that the CPA process should have taken the political culture of an authority as a ‘given’ (at least in the short term), and evaluated the performance of the authority's management in the political circumstances in which they had to operate. Finally the role of the CPA process in contributing to the government-led pressures for depoliticisation of local decision-making is examined, with a particular concern about the substitution of the concept of ‘the good of the area’ for the different priorities and visions of different parties. 相似文献
694.
Ko Mishima 《Asian Politics & Policy》2015,7(3):433-454
In December 2012, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) fell from power after ruling the country for only three years. An important cause of the DPJ government's downfall concerned its failure in policymaking system reform. When it came to power in September 2009, the DPJ vowed to dissolve the policymaking system created under the lengthy dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party. It pledged to practice “Cabinet‐led policymaking” by strengthening the Cabinet's leadership fundamentally. It also promised to curtail bureaucratic power. But in reality, the DPJ's policymaking system reform turned out to be an utter failure. This article points out that there are four major reasons for the DPJ government's failure in policymaking system reform: (i) lack of internal unity, (ii) ineffective top leadership, (iii) institutional depth of bureaucratic power, and (iv) the twisted Diet. 相似文献
695.
Hon. Judith L. Kreeger 《Family Court Review》2008,46(2):331-339
Many American courts face funding obstacles as they try to create and implement unified family court processes that have not been part of the traditional family court adversarial process. To create new staff positions, build and equip adequate facilities, and create and implement innovative programs, grant funding may be available to supplement what local and state governments provide. While social science research confirms that children are adversely affected by exposure to high‐conflict family litigation and domestic violence, many communities have few affordable and available resources to address these issues. This article presents lessons and principles that one court learned as it applied for a grant to design programs for high‐conflict families and families with domestic violence history. 相似文献
696.
孔孟儒学的治国思想,是中国传统文化的重要组成部分.他们提出了一套系统的治国思想理论,在人贵论基础上确立了人是国家社会的主体和根本的民本论.以"民本·仁政·德治"为治国指导思想,"德治为先,礼刑并用"为治国基本方针,"庶·富·教"为立国三大要素,要求治国者必须具备"政者,正也"的素质,采用"修己安人"、"修身·齐家·治国·平天下"的治国领导管理机制.孔孟儒家的治国思想,对当今中国的德治与法治仍有借鉴意义. 相似文献
697.
Simón Escoffier 《Citizenship Studies》2018,22(7):769-790
While academics have addressed the interaction between mobilisation and citizenship in a myriad of ways, none of them have used citizenship to explain the sustainability of collective action. Drawing on an ethnographic fieldwork in Santiago de Chile’s underprivileged neighbourhoods, this paper provides an analytical framework explaining how neighbourhood activists sustain mobilisation on the basis of citizenship construction despite Chile’s transitional and post-transitional stark political exclusion. This article calls this concept ‘mobilisational citizenship’. Building on the notion of rights-claiming, mobilisational citizenship explains how durable mobilisation results from the dynamic interaction between four factors: agentic memory, mobilising belonging, mobilising boundaries and decentralised protagonism. Through mobilisational citizenship, local residents politicise their neighbourhood, build autonomous local empowerment and self-define their political incorporation. 相似文献
698.
The goal of this article is to discover how leadership competencies affect the perceived effectiveness of crisis management. The study, based on a self-reported survey of executive public leaders in Turkey, found that the core leadership competencies have a positive relationship with the effectiveness of crisis management. Among task–oriented, people–oriented, and organization-oriented categories of leadership behaviors, task-oriented leadership behaviors were found with the highest level of impact on the effectiveness of crisis management. The study demonstrated the importance of the core leadership competencies in the effectiveness of crisis leadership. The hypothesis testing with the covariance structure model supported the positive impact of the core leadership competencies on the effectiveness of crisis management. This study contributes to the literature on leadership during crisis situations, and also provides proposals for public managers and practitioners to increase their effectiveness in leading their organizations during crises. 相似文献
699.
Despite the relevance of structures and constraints to the outcomes of policy-making, agency emerges as a key aspect in accounting for policy dynamics. Indeed, agency is a concept that may embrace different components according to their empirical reference and policy context. In policy studies, different agents are conceptualized to be relevant in policy-making, but they address the issues of similar individuals who randomly jump into the policy process to make a specific contribution. This paper proposes to de-personalize agency in policy dynamics by arguing that the different types of agents can be attributed to specific patterns of action and that related tasks are a necessary element of stability and change in policy dynamics. Thus, we propose three types of patterns—entrepreneurship, brokerage, and leadership—and we show how the use of these concepts can help to better order, describe, and grasp agency in policy dynamics. 相似文献
700.
Joachim Schild 《West European politics》2020,43(5):1072-1094
AbstractThis paper contributes to the scholarly debate on hegemony and leadership in international relations and elaborates on an analytical framework to assess the nature, scope, functions and causal mechanisms of hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership in general terms. Based on this framework, it takes issue with the interpretation of Germany’s role during the euro area crisis as being a hegemonic one. Discussing the concepts of hegemony, leadership and dominance, it argues that Germany proved dominant during the euro area crisis on selected issues, mainly using its veto power. On other issues, Berlin provided non-hegemonic leadership, more often than not asymmetric co-leadership shared with France. It did not play the role of a hegemon, however, lacking the resources and being unable to shape decisively the economic constitution of the euro area along the lines of its core preferences. 相似文献