民族复兴的逻辑与中共的历史使命

发达国家现代化发展历程持续发展的重要原因之一,是资产阶级统治在政治建设上的成功设计和相关实践。中国现代化的持续发展面临同样的逻辑,而切实需要把科学发展观作为保证政治体制改革沿着正确方向发展的统领。政治体制改革必须为经济基础服务,它不应仅仅是某种抽象理念的"外化"。中国必须有一二百年以上的稳定可持续发展,才可能使民族的全面复兴达到历史的新高。     

完善高校腐败治理领导体制的思考

高校纪委是负责高校反腐倡廉职责的专门机关,它在同级党委和上级纪委的双重领导下开展工作,承担着组织协调学校各部、处、室、院（系）等高校中层部门的反腐倡廉工作,也担负对学校党委、行政及校级领导干部行使权力过程进行监督的重任。目前,由于高校腐败治理的领导体制尚不完善,遏制了高校纪委职责的有效发挥。因此,要发挥纪委在高校反腐败工作中的积极作用,必须实行以垂直领导为主,学校党委协助领导为辅的领导体制。必须赋予学校纪委对学校建设和发展事项等重大决策的建议权和对校级干部任命的参与提名权、廉政考核权,对违法违纪线索初步核实权和向上级纪委独立报告权。要赋予学校纪委对学校中层干部廉政情况的一票否决权、违法违纪案件的独立调查权和移交决定权。还应赋予纪委对学校大额度资金使用、重大项目确定和实施的参与权和审计权。     

Zhu Rongji on the Record

正He has been as direct in his editorial selections as he was in his leadership style in office and has not shied away from difficult or sensitive issues.——Henry A.Kissinger It is a unique historical document of China's unprecedented economic evolution over the past few decades.And it gives a fascinating insight into the political work of Zhu Rongji——an exceptionally gifted statesman and a dear friend.     

China Ramps up Anti-Corruption Eforts

正WE are in a new era,and China’s anti-corruption drive is pressing ahead with new momentum.Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China(CPC)the central leadership has cracked a series of high-profile corruption cases that involve both high-ranking "tigers" and lowly "flies" as well as those who have fled the country,demonstrating its zero-tolerance for such misfeasance.It has been evident,     

‘A curious relationship’: Barack Obama,the 1960s and the election of 2008

ABSTRACT

Ward explores the diverse ways in which memories, understandings and misunderstandings of the 1960s were mobilized during the 2008 election cycle. At the time, Barack Obama's campaign and triumph were hailed by many as marking a series of a decisive breaks with the past, notably with the culture wars and fiercely ideological political partisanship unleashed in the late 1960s. Others suggested that Obama represented a new kind of candidate who somehow transcended, or might even heal, the racial divisions in the United States, in a fanciful vogue for ‘post-racialism’ that Ward argues was also connected to popular conceptions of the 1960s and, in particular, to a misreading of the social philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr and his ‘I Have a Dream’ speech. While some commentators stressed rupture and discontinuity with the past in interpreting Obama's victory, others—friend and foe alike—were keen to stress continuities with the past, often explicitly with a 1960s routinely, if simplistically, parsed into ‘good’ early and ‘bad’ later periods. ThusWard considers Obama's connections to the civil rights and black power movements, as well as to other 1960s organizing traditions, charismatic leaders and conceptions of federal government, arguing that the decade continues to offer an important, if ambiguous touchstone in contemporary American politics and social memory.     

Barack Obama as the post-racial candidate for a post-racial America: perspectives from Asian America and Hawai‘i

ABSTRACT

Okamura reviews the 2008 US presidential campaign and the election of Barack Obama as a ‘post-racial candidate’ in terms of two different meanings of ‘post-racialism’, namely, colour blindness and multiculturalism. He also discusses his campaign and election from the perspective of Asian America and Hawai'i given that Obama has been claimed as ‘the first Asian American president’ and as a ‘local’ person from Hawai‘i where he was born and spent most of his youth. In both cases, Obama has been accorded these racialized identities primarily because of particular cultural values he espouses and cultural practices he engages in that facilitate his seeming transcendence of racial boundaries and categories generally demarcated by phenotype and ancestry. Okamura contends that proclaiming Obama as an honorary Asian American and as a local from Hawai‘i inadvertently lends support to the post-racial America thesis and its false assertion of the declining significance of race: first, by reinforcing the ‘model minority’ stereotype of Asian Americans and, second, by affirming the widespread view of Hawai‘i as a model of multiculturalism.     

转型期我国的行政领导权威形态分析

我国正处在由传统农业社会向现代化工业社会发展的转型期 ,以人民代表大会制度为核心的社会主义的根本政治制度 ,确立了法理型行政领导权威的主导形态地位。传统与现代的二元性导致行政领导实践中形成了传统型权威、超凡魅力型权威和法理型权威并存的复杂格局。随着经济、社会的变革 ,这种格局将发生跟进式演变 ,法理型权威必将成为主导趋势     

Of legitimacy,legality and public affairs

This paper argues that legality is not enough and that sound public affairs underpins the legitimacy of a political system. It examines the impact of lost legitimacy on Tony Blair, President Bush and America's foreign policy. The author draws historical comparisons between Britain in the Middle East in the 1920s and the USA's problems today and suggests that the fundamental problem is the lack of legitimacy in the region's politics. The paper concludes by asserting that the legitimacy of the EU political system will be endangered while public understanding of its institutions remains limited. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

坚持和完善我国的人民代表大会制度

人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度.它作为一种权力配置和运作的形式,有着与西方权力制衡模式截然不同的自我特色,充分、高效地体现了人民当家作主的理念,渐进有序地发展人民民主,有利于实现党的领导.党的领导是人大制度健康发展的根本保证.加强党的领导就必须改善党对人大的领导,这是改革和完善党的领导方式、执政方式的一项重要任务.     

The American Presidential Election in Perspective

In 2004 President Bush was elected more decisively than in 2000, but he would have lost if Ohio had voted for John Kerry. Turnout in a polarised electorate was the highest since the 1960s. Bush saw his party increase its existing majorities in both houses of Congress - the first Republican candidate to do so since 1924. The Republicans benefited from political trends in the South, international developments and the impact of social issues. Gains by Bush at the time of the national conventions were reduced by Kerry's strong showing in the televised debates. In the end, Americans were unwilling to eject their commander-in-chief during the wars on terror and in Iraq. While the Republicans have been advancing in national politics since the 1960s, it is unclear whether 2004 was a realigning election. There was not a realignment in the classic way that it occurred in 1932.