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1.
崔鸿雁 《中共山西省委党校学报》2006,29(4):94-96
19世纪末20世纪初,辉煌一时的山西票号在向现代银行过渡中曾出现过两次机遇,但都没能把握住。文章从新制度经济学的角度就票号错失变迁机遇进行了分析,指出其根源在于:第一次合组银行失败———初级行动团体的缺失。由于其内部制度导致了决策层创新能力的逐步弱化,阻滞了初级行动团体的形成;第二次合组银行失败———次级行动团体缺失。由于组织内部各利益主体无法达成一致意见导致合组计划付之东流。 相似文献
2.
姜泽民 《中共云南省委党校学报》2002,3(5)
社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度是我们党对社会主义的长期实践的总结,是中国现阶段社会生产力发展的客观要求,必须坚持社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度不动摇。 相似文献
3.
传统上,国家间的互动关系被认为是国际法规则创制与实施的基本动力,但全球化,尤其是经济全球化使得国际法日益攸关个人的利益,个人与国家间的互动关系已然成为国际法发展的元动力。国际法只有以此为基点,才能更好地规范全球化,尤其是经济全球化的进程,使各国及其国民能够公平地享受全球化带来的好处。 相似文献
4.
Doreen Sprer 《Swiss Political Science Review》2004,10(2):157-179
This research note builds on recent results of the literature on presidentialism to develop a new measure of presidential power. The Index of Presidential Power (IPP) differentiates three dimensions: legitimacy, legislative and non‐legislative powers. The IPP can be used for all types of governmental systems in different political regimes. For the first time the IPP estimates presidential power granted by the constitution in all 28 post‐communist countries. This information is collected in the IPP data set, which is used to carry out analyses at the aggregate level as well as at the level of the individual presidential power dimensions. Results show that the semi‐presidential category is of little use. The comparison of the IPP with alternative indices of presidential power in post‐communist countries indicates that political analysis should give more attention to presidential power structures. 相似文献
5.
云南省中小学毒品预防教育调查报告 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
课题组 《云南警官学院学报》2003,(3):23-26
中小学校毒品预防教育是一项十分重要的禁毒基础工作。目前云南省中小学校虽已开展了不同形式的毒品预防教育工作 ,但是 ,部分学校迫于升学压力 ,加之在校学生吸毒情况不突出等原因 ,并未将毒品预防教育列入学校的重要工作之一 ,不注重毒品预防教育效果。 相似文献
6.
2004 年美国大选中技术构件的改进,提高了美国选举制度的可操作性和合理性;竞选开销创历史新高,加深了金钱政治对选举制度民主公平原则的侵蚀;候选人通过谎言和反面信息争取选票,违背了选举制度的诚信道德准则。 相似文献
7.
This article analyses the Portuguese presidential elections of January 2016, setting these within the backdrop of recent semi-presidential practice in Portugal. The election took place in the context of an apparent hollowing of the presidency, a pattern that potentially reflects the bailout that marked most of the second term of the outgoing president, Cavaco Silva. This pattern also helps explain the second-order nature of this presidential election. Despite potentially being an ‘open’ election – in that the incumbent had reached term limits – the election was characterised by low citizen mobilisation, low partisan involvement and low competitiveness. The initial two months of the newly elected president, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, suggests he is seeking to invert this hollowing pattern by mobilising popular support behind the presidency. 相似文献
8.
Aaron S. Veenstra Benjamin A. Lyons İ. Alev Degim Flannagan 《Journal of Political Marketing》2017,16(3-4):365-385
The hostile media effect (HME) has generally been tested in terms of in-groups and out-groups, with a “neutral” story in between. This ignores the nature of many social groups as comprising subgroups, often but not always sharing feelings of connectedness and purpose. In cases when bounded subgroups are at odds with one another, HME provides little guidance. A contested partisan primary provides such a case. This study takes identity centrality, candidate favorability, and perceived social network homogeneity as measures of partisanship and involvement, hypothesizing relationships between each and perceived bias against one’s candidate and party. Findings show that markers of candidate-focused social identity predict greater perceived bias against one’s candidate during the 2016 primary season, while party-focused identity fails to predict perceived bias against one’s party. This suggests that candidate support identity overrides plain partisanship during primaries, supporting concern that a heated primary might damage general election party unity. Subsequent postconvention findings suggest that the salience of candidate-focused identity fades, while homogeneity of one’s network regarding party support helps to make perceived hostility toward one’s party identity more salient. However, as campaigns become more candidate-centered, the contestation between nested candidate and party identities may grow fiercer. 相似文献
9.
Ellen Strenski 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(3):425-436
Sinclair Lewis, the first American to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, anticipated many aspects of Donald J. Trump's 2016 campaign and election in his 1935 satirical dystopia, It Can't Happen Here. It was his most popular novel to date and is still satisfying, thought-provoking political theater. Lewis was influenced by growing totalitarianism in Europe, reported on by his second wife, foreign correspondent, Dorothy Thompson. Noting the power of Father Coughlin and Huey Long, among others, to mobilize a public still suffering from the Great Depression, Lewis feared a fascist takeover of the American government by democratic means. Lewis's fictional nightmare features a loutish, ignorant demagogue, who is manipulated by a sinister ghostwriter adviser. With support from a resentful League of Forgotten Men, the demagogue is elected President and quickly establishes a military, racist, and anti-Semitic dictatorship. It Can't Happen Here dramatizes the dire consequences of this takeover, which is not taken seriously at first by Lewis's newspaper editor protagonist, but then is increasingly resisted. Lewis is a social satirist in the Mark Twain tradition, and his novel is worth reading today for its suggestive parallels with current history and its good-hearted humor. 相似文献
10.
Paul Haskell Zernicke 《政治交往》2013,30(4):231-245
Traditional literature on the public dimensions of the American presidency suggests that the office has a significant impact upon the political lives of Americans and that contemporary presidents frequently appeal for public support to pressure other government elites. This study systematically analyzes rhetorical references to the presidency by examining a president's articulation of presidential roles in public speeches and press conferences. This study finds that Johnson, Nixon, and Carter did rhetorically refer to presidential roles, especially when confronted by crisis and controversy. The implication is that when confronted by serious controversy, presidents tell Americans about the responsibilities of the presidency in an effort to mobilize public support. 相似文献