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161.
Primary intraventricular hemorrhage (PIVH) is a rare type of stroke defined as bleeding within the ventricles of the brain without any associated parenchymal hemorrhage. Here, we reported two cases of sudden death due to PIVH. One of the patients was found dead under a highway bridge without witnesses, and the other patient was hospitalized with hemorrhage in the ventricular system, as revealed by a head computed tomography scan. In these two patients, autopsy and macroscopic examination only showed hemorrhages in the ventricular system without any traumatic brain injury or other intraparenchymal hemorrhage. The sources of bleeding for both patients were ultimately confirmed as ruptured brain arteriovenous malformations located in the subventricular zone. We reported these cases to broaden our understanding of sudden death associated with PIVH, especially when caused by brain arteriovenous malformation. We also summarized the essential details of the diagnoses and available technical methods for PIVH cases.  相似文献   
162.
2000年美国总统选举是美国历史上拖得时间最长、斗争最激烈、双方最为世界瞩目的一次大选.佛州的"白宫之战"则是决定选战胜负的关键一役.更为世人称奇的是,共和党布什阵营和民主党阵营戈尔,破天荒地将总统宝座之争先后诉诸于法庭.围绕着选举应反映民意还是应遵守联邦以及各州的司法规定,从州法院缠讼到联邦法院,从基层法院打到最高法院,最后由联邦最高法院9位大法官以5票对4票的裁决,一槌定音粉碎了戈尔入主白宫的美梦,把布什送进了白宫.  相似文献   
163.
主创品牌和产业群聚互动中的晋江制鞋业   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
产业群聚是制造业发展过程中的一个重要现象。在产业群聚的发展过程中,必须重视主创品牌的作用。在主创品牌和产业群聚的互动中,要处理好两者之间的关系,要"以人为本",把全部管理工作的出发点和落脚点真正转到以人为中心的轨道上来,这是企业持续发展的不竭动力。  相似文献   
164.
坚持两大纲领的统一必须建立在对“三个规律”的深刻认识上。现阶段坚持两大纲领的统一 ,就是要把人民的眼前利益和长远利益统一起来 ,坚持为崇高理想奋斗与为现阶段最广大人民谋利益的一致性 ;要把实现远大理想与做好现实工作结合起来 ,把基点放在做好正在做的事情上 ;把最终实现社会生产力、经济文化与人的高度而又协调的发展与现阶段三者发展的和谐统一结合起来 ,使其相互促进地向前发展。  相似文献   
165.
This paper first examines the frequency of direct presidential elections among the 170 countries of the world with a working, directly elected parliament. We find that there is a directly elected president in more than half of the countries and in about two-thirds of the republics. Former British colonies are less likely to hold direct presidential elections, which are otherwise very popular in North and South America and Africa. We then examine the kind of electoral formula that is used for the election of presidents. Most elections are held under the majority rule, most of the time under the majority runoff procedure. The majority rule is clearly predominant in Europe and Africa, and is unpopular in North America. Finally, no relationship is observed between the level of economic development or of democracy and the use of direct presidential elections or the choice of an electoral formula.  相似文献   
166.
关于我国转型时期价值观(哲学)研究状况的报告   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
我国学界关于价值观(哲学)的研究、发展伴随着改革开放和社会转型,大体走过了从"主义"之争到"问题"意识的觉醒再到各种"学说"呈现的历史,表现出注重把价值观(哲学)研究建立在马克思主义哲学基础之上、注重对改革开放实践中提出的价值问题的研究以及注意挖掘中华传统文化的价值资源等特色;应针对以往价值观研究中存在的问题,从满足社会实践的迫切需要和推进价值哲学的进一步发展出发,建构、完善我国社会主义初级阶段价值体系的基本原则、框架和内容.  相似文献   
167.
重塑联邦政府与总统管理议题:美国的行政改革及启示   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
20世纪80年代以来,西方各国掀起了行政改革的浪潮,美国也不例外。透视美国的行政改革,对我国的政府改革有一定的启示。  相似文献   
168.
This article analyzes the role of government stewardship in the expansion of primary health care in post‐conflict Guatemala. By the time the Peace Accords were signed in 1996, the country's primary health care system was scarcely functioning with virtually no services available in rural indigenous areas. To address this gaping void/deficiency, the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance (MSPAS) embarked on a progressive expansion of primary services aimed at covering the majority of rural poor. Through a series of legal, policy, and program reforms up to 2014, the MSPAS dramatically expanded primary coverage and greatly improved basic health indicators for the entire population. To succeed in this effort, the MSPAS and its partners needed to simultaneously grow their stewardship capacity to oversee and develop the primary health system. On the basis of recent health systems strengthening literature, we propose a stewardship framework of 6 critical functions and use it to analyze the gains in government capacity that enabled the achievement of many of the country's primary health goals. Of the 6 stewardship functions, “building relationships, coalitions, and partnerships” especially with civil society organizations stands out as one of the keys to MSPAS success.  相似文献   
169.
As semi‐presidentialism has become increasingly common in European democracies, so have the debates about the consequences of several of its political and institutional features. In particular, in those regimes, cohabitation between presidents and cabinets of different parties and cabinet dismissal powers on the part of presidents are thought to be a source of inter‐branch conflict and government instability. However, so far, most empirical work on government survival has failed to confirm any of these expectations. This article addresses this disjuncture between theory and empirical results by making a twofold contribution. First, it takes into account the internal diversity within semi‐presidentialism, modeling the implications for government survival of different configurations between presidential powers’ of cabinet dismissal, parliament dissolution and cohabitation in European semi‐presidential systems. Second, it reconsiders traditional government survival using the competing risks framework by adding a distinction between two different types of non‐electoral replacement: those where replacements imply a change in the party of the prime minister and those where they do not. Once such an approach is adopted, that presidential powers of parliamentary dissolution and cabinet dismissal indeed emerge as highly relevant for explaining government survival in these regimes.  相似文献   
170.
This article argues that an important political marketplace of keywords expands in social media around campaign events such as a debate; that rhetorical efforts to define the situation in which a campaign event occurs are met in this marketplace by user responses that more or less echo the keywords, thereby enhancing or diminishing the political power of their “caller” or speaker; and that social media monitoring platforms can enhance our understanding of public opinion influence competitions among candidates through the careful selection, tabulation, and inspection of words and phrases being voiced. In the case at hand, an analysis of Twitter volume data and a reading of a sample of 1200 tweets between July 30 and August 15, 2015, a period enveloping the first 2016 Republican presidential candidate debate on August 6, 2015, helps us understand how Donald J. Trump escaped political punishment from party and media elites for subverting Republican and U.S. norms of candidate behavior. Elite voices greatly disapproved of Trump’s debate performance and conduct, a traditional augury of declining public support. But the presence of social media voices enhanced Trump’s capacity to succeed with an insurgent marketing strategy, one he would continue into his election as president fifteen months later. Specifically, comparatively high user volume on a debate-oriented section of Twitter (i.e., posts with the hashtag #GOPDebate) for Trump’s name, slogan, and Twitter address, and for such advantageous keywords as “political correctness,” “Megyn Kelly,” and “illegal immigration” relative to terms and phrases favoring other candidates and Republicans as a whole indicates the presence of heavy and active popular support for Trump. The contents of the corresponding tweet sample exhibit Twitter-savvy techniques and populist stances by which the Trump campaign solicited that support: celebrity feuding, callouts to legacy media allies, featured fan comments, a blunt vernacular, and confrontational branding. The contents also illustrate ways in which users manifested their support: from the aforementioned high keyword volume to imitative behavior and the supplying of evidence to verify Trump’s contested claims during the debate.  相似文献   
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