Briefly Noted

The argument is commonly made that television has changed the character of parliamentary elections. Its ever more central role in election campaigns outside the United States is held to have “presidentialized” parliamentary elections because it is a medium that projects personalities more effectively than ideas or policies. A comparison of the electoral roles of the Australian prime minister and the U.S. president indicates that both leaders are held personally accountable for government performance. However, such “presidentialism” appears to have little to do with television in Australia or in the United States. Television‐dependent citizens in both countries are less susceptible to the campaign appeals of chief executives than the rest of the voting public. Both leaders, but especially the president, do have an electoral impact. Counter to expectations, however, this impact makes itself felt in both cases among those voters who are not dependent on television for their political information and cues. Party identification seems to insulate the television‐dependent more successfully against leader effects.     

The Absolutist Advantage: Sacred Rhetoric in Contemporary Presidential Debate

Sacred rhetoric invokes nonnegotiable convictions rather than reasoned consequences. This form of rhetoric, grounded in transcendent authority and moral outrage, provides an electoral advantage by inspiring greater political engagement and valorizing candidates in the eyes of voters. A study of the language employed in contemporary presidential debates from 1976 to 2004 illustrates that while Democrats made sacred appeals in a few political domains, Republicans employed sacred rhetoric more frequently across a broad range of issues. Democrats have relied more heavily on projected numbers and plans rather than protected values and bounds, often yielding to Republicans an absolutist advantage.     

“They're all just little bits,aren't they”: South Australian lesbian mothers' experiences of marginalisation in primary schools

Abstract

Multiple formations of family have always been a part of Australia's social and historical landscape, yet social norms typically function to marginalise some family forms while according others a privileged status. Marginalisation on the basis of sexuality, for example, whilst arguably somewhat less prevalent than in previous decades, nonetheless continues for those families positioned outside the heteronorm. Institutions such as schools can play an important role in transforming marginalising practices, yet research such as that presented in this article suggests that schools often also perpetuate marginalisation, even if unintentionally. Drawing on interviews conducted with twenty-three lesbian mothers, this article highlights the often subtle ways in which such mothers with children in South Australian primary schools experience marginalisation by educators. Specifically, we argue that marginalisation occurs in the form of injunctions made upon lesbian mothers to inform educators about their families (and to do so in often highly normative ways), to accept that it is their role to manage discrimination, and to treat as routine the marginalisation of their families. Such findings indicate that changes still remain necessary within Australian educational practices in order to ensure the full inclusion of lesbian mother families on terms of their own making.     

Remembering to Forget: A Note on the Duration of Campaign Advertising Effects

Exposure to an Obama campaign ad as part of an Internet survey conducted during the final weeks of the 2012 presidential race produced a substantial 2.8-point increase in intentions to vote for Obama. A post-election follow-up survey found an increase in reported votes for Obama that was only half as large, consistent with the notion that ad effects decay over time. However, a closer look at the pattern of decay indicates that the effect of ad exposure remained virtually constant among people who were undecided or predisposed to support Obama. The reduced aggregate effect was almost entirely attributable to Romney supporters who moved toward Obama in the immediate wake of ad exposure but returned to Romney by Election Day. This divergence is inconsistent with an interpretation of decay as reflecting simple forgetting. Rather, it suggests an active process of motivated reasoning in which short-term persuasive effects are gradually eroded or even reversed by counterarguing among people predisposed to resist them.     

美国选举安全问题:以2016年和2020年总统大选为例

2016年美国总统大选暴露了长期存在于该国选举体系中的风险,"选举安全"迅速成为当代美国国家安全与国土安全领域的重要议题。美国选举安全涉及网络安全、社会安全、政治安全与军事安全,体现出"复合安全问题"的特质。美国联邦与各州政府试图从降低关键基础设施风险、重建选民信任、减少部门壁垒以及填补机制缺失四个层面入手,系统性化解存在于选举系统的各类安全威胁。2020年美国大选期间,原有选举安全风险得到一定程度的缓解,但美国国家安全体制及文化与其选举安全体系的运行逻辑之间仍存在多层矛盾,特别是美国选举体系的产业市场与创新之间的矛盾、国家安全与"言论自由"之间的矛盾、"全政府"与"地方权"之间的矛盾、"网络自由"与"网络主权"之间的矛盾。这些矛盾会长期存在,将使利益攸关方不断发生龃龉,阻碍相关政策深入推进,最终导致美国在选举安全治理上将一直面临难以克服的困境。     

贵州民族地区农村中小学数学教师专业化发展对策研究

本文应用调查法、访谈法、文献法等研究方法,对贵州民族地区农村中小学数学教师专业发展进行了调查研究。在深入调查现状的基础上,制定出符合该地区实际的对策:高等院校的引领;开展校本研究;充分发挥数学教研组在的作用;养成质疑反思的习惯;加大对教师的队伍建设和考核力度;发展民族地区农村现代远程教育等。     

299例中小学生中医兼夹体质与近视相关性分析

目的 研究中小学生近视与中医兼夹体质的相关性。方法 以在北京同仁医院眼科门诊就诊的299例中小学生为样本,采用《中医体质分类与判定》判定其体质类型,采用logistic回归分析探究中医兼夹体质与中小学生近视的相关性。结果 299例受试者中,近视者237例,非近视者62例。兼夹体质者近视发病的危险度较平和质者显著增高（OR值为1.39;95% CI为1.04～1.86,P=0.03）。结论 兼夹体质是近视的危险因素,尚需大样本进一步确证。     

智三针治疗原发性失眠35例

目的 观察智三针治疗原发性失眠的疗效。方法 将70例原发性失眠患者分为治疗组和对照组,每组35例。治疗组接受以智三针为主穴的治疗,对照组接受常规针刺治疗。采用匹兹堡睡眠质量指数（Pittsburgh sleep quality index, PSQI）评定疗效。结果 治疗后两组PSQI总分均较治疗前显著降低 (P<0.01),且治疗组在降低PSQI总分方面较对照组无明显优势（P>0.05）。治疗后两组各维度PSQI评分均显著降低（P<0.01）,但治疗组在降低入睡时间、睡眠质量和日间功能障碍评分方面显著优于对照组（P＜0.05,或P＜0.01）。结论 智三针治疗原发性失眠有确切的临床效果,在促进入睡,改善睡眠质量和日间功能方面效果优于传统针刺疗法。     

儿童攻击性的精神分析式解读——温尼科特的攻击性理论

攻击性是儿童较为常见的行为,理论界对攻击性的认识一直存在分歧.温尼科特的攻击性理论可以帮助我们从现代精神分析的视角理解儿童的攻击性.温尼科特认为,攻击性是与生俱来的,但其性质随着婴儿成长所依赖环境的不同而改变,够好的环境使儿童的攻击性逐渐整合,不够好的环境迫使攻击性以破坏的、反社会的方式显示出来.原初攻击性是原初爱的表达,并帮助儿童确立一个有自身界限的独立的外部世界.从客体关联到客体使用的发展过程中,儿童攻击客体同时客体幸存于攻击导致儿童对现实的确认和对内部客体与外部客体的区分.反社会倾向最初表达了被剥夺儿童的无助感,是向环境发出的求救信号,是对环境失败而阻碍情绪发展的一种补偿.     

试论党的三代领导人对中国国情的把握

毛泽东同志首倡了中国革命必须以中国国情为根据的正确方向 ,邓小平同志创立了社会主义初级阶段理论 ,以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代领导集体高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜 ,继承、丰富和发展了社会主义初级阶段理论。党的三代领导人对中国国情的准确把握 ,为探索有中国特色的革命和建设道路奠定了坚实的基础。