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841.
Correlation Between Average Tissue Depth Data and Quantitative Accuracy of Forensic Craniofacial Reconstructions Measured by Geometric Surface Comparison Method 下载免费PDF全文
Won‐Joon Lee Ph.D. Caroline M. Wilkinson Ph.D. Hyeon‐Shik Hwang Ph.D. Sang‐Mi Lee M.S.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(3):572-580
Accuracy is the most important factor supporting the reliability of forensic facial reconstruction (FFR) comparing to the corresponding actual face. A number of methods have been employed to evaluate objective accuracy of FFR. Recently, it has been attempted that the degree of resemblance between computer‐generated FFR and actual face is measured by geometric surface comparison method. In this study, three FFRs were produced employing live adult Korean subjects and three‐dimensional computerized modeling software. The deviations of the facial surfaces between the FFR and the head scan CT of the corresponding subject were analyzed in reverse modeling software. The results were compared with those from a previous study which applied the same methodology as this study except average facial soft tissue depth dataset. Three FFRs of this study that applied updated dataset demonstrated lesser deviation errors between the facial surfaces of the FFR and corresponding subject than those from the previous study. The results proposed that appropriate average tissue depth data are important to increase quantitative accuracy of FFR. 相似文献
842.
目的研究大鼠双后肢挤压伤后肺、肝细胞的凋亡过程,探讨挤压伤损伤机制。方法建立大鼠双后肢挤压伤模型,采用TUNEL法对大鼠肺、肝细胞凋亡进行检测,免疫组织化学法检测凋亡相关蛋白Bax、Bcl-2、caspase-3的表达。结果与对照组相比,损伤组大鼠双后肢局部肌肉组织明显损伤,肺、肝细胞凋亡明显增多(P0.05),凋亡相关蛋白Bax上调、Bcl-2下调、caspase-3被激活(P0.05)。结论大鼠双后肢挤压伤后引起肺、肝细胞凋亡明显增多,可能是损伤释放的相关因子介导了细胞凋亡的发生。 相似文献
843.
目的观察大鼠脑挫伤后半胱氨酸天冬氨酸蛋白酶3(caspase-3)和造血干细胞特异性相关结合蛋白-1(HCLS1-associated protein X-1,HAX-1)在损伤后不同时段的表达规律,探索损伤时间推断的新方法。方法建立成年SD雄性大鼠脑挫伤模型,随机分为脑挫伤后2 h、6 h、12 h、1 d、3 d、7 d组,假手术组和正常组。采用Western印迹法检测大鼠脑挫伤后caspase-3和HAX-1的蛋白表达。采用激光共聚焦显微镜检测技术对脑挫伤后HAX-1阳性细胞数和TUNEL染色细胞数进行观察。结果脑挫伤后,随着损伤时间的延长,caspase-3表达逐渐增强,3 d达到峰值,以后逐渐下降,7 d仍高水平表达(P<0.05)。HAX-1阳性细胞表达在伤后开始升高,6 h表达强度最高(P<0.05),12 h后逐渐下降,伤后3 d几乎测不到。TUNEL染色细胞数在伤后2 h明显增加,伤后3 d数量最多,此后逐渐减少,7 d仍维持较高水平(P<0.05)。结论大鼠脑挫伤后caspase-3、HAX-1的表达有时序性变化,可能成为脑损伤时间推断的新依据。 相似文献
844.
845.
靳澜涛 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2015,(3)
3D打印作为一种快速成型技术,近年来发展迅速,有着良好的发展前景与应用空间。然而技术革新的背后潜在隐藏着知识产权、刑事犯罪以及人类伦理等多方面的安全风险,利用法律、政策规制3D打印技术迅猛发展可能带来的安全风险,既是保障社会治安管理秩序的关键,更是3D打印技术进一步发展与革新的前提与基础。 相似文献
846.
847.
Jeffrey J. Cook 《政策研究评论》2019,36(3):378-394
Amidst congressional gridlock, administrative rulemaking is the main pathway for environmental policy making. Scholars have assessed the role of the institutions of government (the president, Congress, and the courts) and key interest groups (i.e., business and environmental interests) in shaping rulemaking outcomes. What is missing from this literature is an assessment of the role of key implementers, state environmental agencies. This research fills this gap by assessing the role and impact of state government agencies in three case studies of rulemaking at the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Based on original interviews and a public comment analysis, this research suggests that state agencies play an active and influential role in EPA rulemaking. And, in some cases, state agencies wield more influence than other interest groups. Interviewees argued that this influence stems from these agencies’ unique voice as an implementation collaborator. As a result, researchers should incorporate an assessment of the role of these interests to more effectively explain regulatory outcomes at the EPA and potentially across the bureaucracy. 相似文献
848.
What is the relationship between political institutions and air pollution generated by the power sector? Here we focus on the association between democracy and power generated from coal, the most polluting of all fossil fuels. Using a new dataset on coal‐fired power plants commissioned between 1980 and 2016 in 71 countries, we find that the relationship between democracy and coal varies according to the environmental Kuznets curve logic. Democratic political institutions at lower levels of economic development are correlated with increased commissioning of coal power plants, as governments seek to appeal to an electorate prioritizing economic growth and affordable energy access. As a country becomes richer, democracy comes to have a negative association with coal power, as clean air becomes a more salient issue for the public. 相似文献
849.
Elections have emerged as a leading area for the application of biometric technology in developing countries, despite its high costs and uncertainty over its effectiveness. Why then do countries pursue such programs, often with the support of donors? The paper considers the costs and benefits of technology, where the latter involves its potential to reduce the probability of seriously disputed elections that escalate into violence. Based on the limited data available, it finds that a reduction in the probability of postelection violence by only a few percentage points could offset the cost of the technology. However, this is far from assured; we argue that biometric technology can only contribute to less disputed and less violent elections in particular settings, those where democracy is not yet well institutionalized but where political parties value the legitimacy conferred by elections that are sufficiently credible for their results to be accepted. One priority is therefore to screen potential cases carefully, before investing in costly programs that have a low probability of success. Another step toward using technology more effectively to underpin sustainable elections would be to build on voter registration drives to strengthen permanent identification assets such as civil registration and national ID programs that can serve as the basis for the voter roll. 相似文献
850.
Warigia M. Bowman 《政策研究评论》2019,36(6):835-865
Information and communications technologies (ICTs) include old technologies—such as the radio and the television—as well as newer technologies—such as the Internet and wireless telephony. This study considers the process that the government of Uganda has used to adopt and implement ICT policy. This study also considers the techniques which the government of Uganda has used to distribute ICTS in public locations such as government offices, schools, and hospitals. In particular, this study attempts to consider the political motivations for distribution. The Ugandan government's attempt to distribute this technology reflects strengths in the area of distribution of artefacts, particularly to rural areas. Information and communications technologies are an important part of the Ugandan economy. In addition, ICTs strengthen the ability of citizens to communicate with each other across regional and language borders through shared access points. Methodologically, this paper uses the case study method. Semi‐structured interviews were conducted with politicians, policy makers, civil society activists, citizens, academics, medical personnel, regional government officials, and business people. This paper argues that politicians use ICTs as a component of a basket of goods and services that they can distribute to witnessing publics. This paper argues that ICT should be viewed as a type of infrastructure, and that as a public good, it can be used as a “club” good or “pork.” Although several authors discuss the potential of ICTs as democratizing, this paper documents that the Ugandan government has employed ICTs in oppressive ways, including for the surveillance of opposition leaders, and for social control. 相似文献