华东汉族人群乙醇代谢酶相关SNP位点的多态性

目的对ADH2、ADH3、ALDH2和CYP2E1基因的40个SNP位点进行群体遗传学分析,得到多态性信息。方法利用PCR和质谱技术平台对SNP位点进行分型检测,通过对中国华东地区汉族人群199个无关个体的调查,统计分析40个SNP位点的等位基因分布频率。结果 40个SNP位点中,rs698、rs2241894（ADH3基因座）,rs13306164、rs671（ALDH2基因座）和rs28371746、rs2515641（CYP2E1基因座）的小等位基因分布频率（MAF）均大于1%,其它SNP位点的MAF均小于1%。结论 ADH2、ADH3、ALDH2和CYP2E1基因的40个SNP位点中,6个位点（rs698、rs2241894、rs13306164、rs671、rs28371746和rs2515641）在华东汉族人群中具有多态性。     

Heteroplasmy in Hair: Study of Mitochondrial DNA Third Hypervariable Region in Hair and Blood Samples*†

Abstract: Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis has proved useful for forensic identification especially in cases where nuclear DNA is not available, such as with hair evidence. Heteroplasmy, the presence of more than one type of mtDNA in one individual, is a common situation often reported in the first and second mtDNA hypervariable regions (HV1/HV2), particularly in hair samples. However, there is no data about heteroplasmy frequency in the third mtDNA hypervariable region (HV3). To investigate possible heteroplasmy hotspots, HV3 from hair and blood samples of 100 individuals were sequenced and compared. No point heteroplasmy was observed, but length heteroplasmy was, both in C‐stretch and CA repeat. To observe which CA “alleles” were present in each tissue, PCR products were cloned and re‐sequenced. However, no variation among CA alleles was observed. Regarding forensic practice, we conclude that point heteroplasmy in HV3 is not as frequent as in the HV1/HV2.     

Unzulässige Klauseln in Bauträgerverträgen

Die Pflicht zur gesetzeskonformen, ausgewogenen Interessenwahrung in Bautr?gervertr?gen wird bei der Gestaltung der vom Bautr?ger verwendeten Vertragsformbl?tter oftmals verletzt. Konsumentenschutzorganisationen haben diese Praxis kritisiert und die Verwendung gesetzeskonformer Klauseln verlangt. Trotz der vielfach gerechtfertigten Kritik darf die Forderung nach Konsumentenschutz nicht dazu führen, dass es für den Bautr?ger unm?glich wird, die in der Natur des Bautr?gergesch?ftes liegenden grundlegenden Gestaltungs- und Abwicklungskriterien im zul?ssigen Rahmen anzuwenden.     

Abwehr allgemeiner Gefahren für die öffentliche Sicherheit von einem Wohnhaus (Felssturz)

Der Schutz vor einer Gefahr, die das ?ffentliche Gemeinschaftsleben st?rt, aber keinem bestimmten Verwaltungszweig zugeh?rt (hier: Schutz eines Wohnhauses vor einem sich aus einer Felswand von einem darüber liegenden Hanggrundstück l?senden Felsbrocken), f?llt unter den Voraussetzungen des Art 118 Abs 6 B-VG in die Zust?ndigkeit der Gemeinde (eigener Wirkungsbereich). Der Bürgermeister darf (nach § 47 Abs 1 stmk GemO) zur Gefahrenabwehr unaufschiebbare "Verfügungen" treffen. Dazu kann er Dritte verpflichten, zur Gefahrenabwehr unerl?ssliche Eingriffe zu dulden, nicht aber dazu, vertretbare Leistungen (zB die unverzügliche Errichtung eines Fangzaunes) selbst – auf deren eigene Kosten – zu erbringen.     

Ali A Mazrui: a great man,a great scholar

In 2013, Ali A Mazrui gave a lecture in Muscat (Oman) about Barack Obama, the 44th president of the USA, in which he suggested that Obama was a great man but not yet a great president. Mazrui said we would have to wait and see if Obama would become a great president. I think Mazrui was right. But we would not have to wait any longer to say: ‘Ali A Mazrui: a great man, a great scholar’. On 12 October 2014, Ali Mazrui passed away at the age of 81. He was indeed a great man and an extraordinary scholar. This essay is a special tribute to him.     

East Asian financial regionalism: why economic enhancements undermine political sustainability

East Asian financial regionalism was born in response to the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997–1998. The centrepiece of financial regionalism was the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), an emergency liquidity mechanism created by the ASEAN+3. It embodied both a clear interpretation of what had gone wrong in 1997–1998 and an understanding of the need for institutions that would be politically viable despite Sino-Japanese rivalry. Enforcement under CMI relied on the ‘IMF link’ – release of funds would be predicated on crisis countries' initiating negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as a means of reducing moral hazard, enforcing conditionality and diverting blame from the leading creditors, Japan and China. The global financial crisis of 2008–2010 and the eurozone crisis that followed have inspired important changes meant to address CMI's economic gaps, including accelerated adoption of ‘CMI Multilateralization’ (CMIM), the creation of a new surveillance unit (ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Organization, or AMRO), and the establishment of a new precautionary line. Many observers have remarked that these developments weaken the IMF link, which had effectively subordinated CMI to the IMF. While the moves appear to demonstrate a more confident, autonomous regionalism and a relative devaluation of the US-dominated global financial institutions, this paper argues that in fact, the ASEAN+3 states have again unearthed the underlying politics of divided leadership and mutual suspicion. CMIM is now threatened by the renewed potential for internal divisions. Further complicating the picture, both China and Japan have recently established large bilateral swap lines outside of the CMIM framework with several of their ASEAN+3 partners, raising the question of whether CMIM is moving towards political irrelevance even as it has arrived at a high water mark in its institutional development.     

Agenda‐Setting at the Energy‐Water Nexus: Constructing and Maintaining a Policy Monopoly in U.S. Hydraulic Fracturing Regulation

Despite calls to increase federal oversight of hydraulic fracturing (HF), the U.S. Congress has maintained a regulatory system in which environmental regulatory authority is devolved to the states. We argue that this system is characterized by a long‐standing “policy monopoly”: a form of stability in policy agenda‐setting in which a specific manner of framing and regulating a policy issue becomes hegemonic. Integrating theories on agenda‐setting and environmental discourse analysis, we develop a nuanced conceptualization of policy monopoly that emphasizes the significance of regulatory history, public perceptions, industry–government relations, and environmental “storylines.” We evaluate how a policy monopoly in U.S. HF regulation has been constructed and maintained through a historical analysis of oil and gas regulation and a discourse analysis of eleven select congressional energy committee hearings. This research extends scholarship on agenda‐setting by better illuminating the importance of political economic and geographic factors shaping regulatory agendas and outcomes.     

The Role of Scientific Excellence in the Changing Meaning of Maize in Mexico

Making policy is giving a meaning to objects. This perspective on policy making gained importance in the 1990s with the emergence of discursive approaches. In this article, we use the concepts of Hajer's discourse coalition approach to shed light on the evolving meaning of maize in Mexican society. Specifically, we trace a parallel between the evolution of biotechnology policy and discourses on maize over a 25‐year period. The article argues that until recently, the protection against biotechnological manipulations enjoyed by maize has been bolstered by a discourse granting the plant a special status in the country's history. However, the emergence of a new discourse grounded on the practice of scientific excellence is now challenging the old perspectives, and also finding support among government officials. As a result, the Mexican policies granting maize special protection is changing, and this policy change will likely trigger changes in the symbolic meaning of maize.     

Holding Back the Storm: Target Populations and State Climate Adaptation Planning in America

This paper investigates the landscape of state‐level adaptation planning in the United States. We answer three primary research questions: First, how are states planning for climate change? Second, who are states targeting for climate adaptation? Third, what tools are states using to motivate climate adaptation efforts? We develop and implement a coding scheme using Schneider and Ingram’s Social Construction Framework (SCF) to characterize variation in 2033 individual adaptation goals mentioned in all 14 American states with explicit adaptation plans. We use these data to understand the types of tools used to motivate different actors (governmental, private, nonprofit) to adapt to climate change. We find that the most frequent target of state adaptation planning is the state itself, which provides an opportunity to extend the SCF to a target group often not mentioned in public policy. Specifically, we find that states target themselves with mandates or tools designed to acquire information. Other stakeholders in adaptation are more likely to be the targets of capacity building tools. Private actors are the only population more likely to be targeted by incentives. The project expands the Social Construction Framework to include targets and tools of planning efforts. Practically, our article offers a methodology by which to compare the vastly heterogeneous efforts to adapt to climate change at the subnational level.