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71.
Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos 《Feminist Legal Studies》2006,14(3):271-291
This is the beginning of an exploration of before as the thesis ‘before’ (temporally) and ‘be-fore’ (spatially) difference. Before denotes the origin and the desired destination. Before (in the double sense of ‘before’ and ‚be-in-the-fore’) opens up a space of pre-difference, of origin and of forgotten memory,
as well as a space of desire, objective, illusion of teleology, unity, completion. Applied to the two domains of Human Rights
and Sex/Gender, the space of ‘before’ yields two slightly different vistas: in human rights, a premodern, functionally undifferentiated
society which had to invent human rights as its safeguards of functional differentiation. In Sex/Gender, ‘before’ brings a
self-referential construction: that of ipseity, as the form of identity beyond comparison that does not play with id but with ipsum. Ipseity is inoperable but not useless. It is inoperable because it cannot be observed from anywhere without suffering rupture.
It is not useless because it offers a ground for the reconceptualisation of difference, both through awe and desire. 相似文献
72.
世俗化时代的身份变异——当代女性文学中母亲形象的一种写作方式 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李秀金 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2006,(3):33-36
1990年代以来的世俗化潮流极大影响了包括女性文学在内的当代文学写作.女性文学写作对女性重要角色--母亲身份的质疑与反思,成为引人注目的文学现象,彰显出女性写作的独特意义.对母亲欲望化情感的书写和母女情感的去魅是女性文学写作的两种重要叙事策略,由此实现了母亲形象的世俗化还原,动摇、冲击着男权话语的权力结构. 相似文献
73.
从社会性别视角对延安时期新女性的研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
文章从女性的经验和视角出发,探究延安时期新女性所经历的“妇女解放”的艰辛历程。以翔实的资料,展现出延安新女性在革命者与妻母角色、家庭责任与女性自我发展、男性歧视与女性的苦闷这些矛盾冲突中的现实处境。 相似文献
74.
卢美松 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2006,(4):4-7
闽台地区是先后相沿形成的移民社会,其姓氏和宗族组成有因袭关系与共同的地方特色。闽台两地因地缘相联、血缘相通,而有着长久与频繁的血缘认同与文化寻根活动。 相似文献
75.
法律解释合法性问题不同于法律的合法性问题,一个合理化问题,而不是正义论问题。法律解释的合法性结构应当是由形式理性的法律推理、“价值理性”的价值判断和交往理性的社会认同构成的完善的法律——社会过程。 相似文献
76.
非国家工作人员能否构成贪污罪主体的共犯--以特殊身份资格为视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
于洪建 《黑龙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2006,(1):47-50
贪污罪的主体是特殊主体,即国家工作人员.对非国家工作人员利用国家工作人员的职务便利共同秘密窃取公共财物的犯罪意图和行为的反映和评价,正确地对贪污罪进行定罪量刑,建构特殊身份在犯罪主体中的时代价值,有助于我们对共犯理论的更进一层次的理解. 相似文献
77.
职务侵占案件中国家工作人员共同犯罪的类型比较复杂,其中国家工作人员与单位工作人员相互勾结,各自利用职务便利将单位财物占为己有的,其定性最具争议。对于该情形,仍然应当依照身份者的实行行为决定共同身份犯的性质这一原则定为职务侵占罪,而不能分别定罪、以主犯定罪或定贪污罪。 相似文献
78.
ABSTRACT The adivasi population represents a special case in India’s new land wars. Strong individual and community rights to agricultural and forest lands have been enacted for this group based on notions of adivasi identities as primeval, but without linking these to economic and political influence. This article interrogates the adivasi land question seen through a caste lens. It does so via case studies in two states to understand the ways in which adivasi identity can be mobilised for its instrumental value and used to demand land rights. In Andhra Pradesh, the Supreme Court’s Samatha Judgement has prevented virtually all private mining activities. In Jharkhand, however, similar legislation is seen to be trumped by the national Coal Bearing Areas Act, as well as by former and current land acquisition acts that allow industrial land claims to take precedence over identity-based ones. Available evidence indicates the challenges involved in bringing support for land rights that are premised on a supposedly unchanging adivasi identity when these rights go against dominant interests. This circumstance serves to highlight the possibilities present in caste analysis to understand the plight of adivasis, despite their usually distinct treatment in scholarly analyses. 相似文献
79.
Emel Akçalı 《South European society & politics》2019,24(4):513-533
ABSTRACTThe present article aims to expand scholarship on the political role of social media by focusing on the case of Facebook and the self-determination claims of Turkish Cypriots vis-à-vis Turkey. Drawing upon a virtual ethnography of relevant Facebook sites and groups, this article scrutinises whether social media offer an innovative public platform for the politics of self-determination or on-line claims are in reality formed and negotiated in the same manner as the offline ones. The article concludes that Turkish Cypriots’ Facebook activism may very well be for strengthening their community, shielding their distinct characteristics from mainland Turkey and raising their self-esteem, rather than indicating demands for complete autonomy in the traditional political sense of the word and/or statehood. 相似文献
80.
Angela Maione 《Journal of Gender Studies》2019,28(7):777-788
ABSTRACTBoth Wollstonecraft’s fame and infamy are attributable to her lived experience as the woman author of the only radical republican feminist text published in the pamphlet war of the 1790s. Yet, her radical republican politics were divorced from her gender politics in the early reception. This paper argues that this separation was subsequently sustained in part by interpretive practices that rest on the suppression of the original split. It shows that over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, both outside and within academia, the dominant interpretive tendency of neglecting Wollstonecraft’s radical republican politics has deradicalized both her historical political thought and her iconic image. This conventional reception has both enabled and limited the resources made available through Wollstonecraft to feminists throughout history. 相似文献