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391.
Reiko Shindo 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(3):219-237
This article analyzes a Kurd refugee sit-in protest staged in front of the United Nations offices in Tokyo in July–September 2004 and its implications for the interaction between political society and civil society. The refugees' protest is viewed as a moment where the line between citizens and non-citizens is redrawn. Citizens possess an exclusive right to political speech and action. Protests by refugees undoubtedly question citizens' monopoly of this right. By organizing protests, refugees, who do not have citizenship status, raise their voices, make demands, and thus request a right to speech and action. In doing so, they blur the line between citizens and non-citizens. In this process, how do citizens and refugees interact with each other? By using Partha Chatterjee's concept of political society, I examine the different tactics employed by the refugees, who are part of political society, and the citizens of civil society. The case shows that when different voices meet, the voice of civil society drowns the voice of political society: the refugees' tactics were de-legitimized by the citizens. This interaction suggests that encounters between citizens and refugees are not simply events where the refugees claim a right to speech and action, but that such encounters also involve citizens in effect struggling to secure their monopoly of the same rights. 相似文献
392.
New Foundations of Cost–Benefit Analysis, by Matthew Adler and Eric Posner, represents the most ambitious and credible effort to date to build a solid theoretical defense of the use of cost–benefit analysis (CBA) in evaluating government regulation. In this review, three cost–benefit “skeptics” offer their reactions to this ambitious and important book. We note its virtues – its humility, its scrupulousness, its open‐mindedness. We also explore its vices. If preferences are to be “laundered,” is it intellectually defensible to remove the bad but not consider adding the good? Does Adler's and Posner's welfarism really play the limited role they suppose, or does it risk “crowding out” other important deontological and distributional values? If CBA is merely a decision procedure that provides an imperfect proxy of welfare – the moral criterion we really care about – how do we know that the proxy it provides in practice will actually be accurate enough to be useful? Isn't this at bottom an empirical question that cannot be answered by this thoroughly theoretical book? If CBA is no more than an imperfect proxy for welfare, then alternative imperfect decision procedures may perform better in the real world. 相似文献
393.
Vladislav Valentinov 《Regulation & Governance》2009,3(2):186-195
This article examines the way modern nonprofit economics can be informed by the Gemeinwirtschaftslehre, a strand of public and nonprofit economics that was popular in German‐speaking countries until the 1980s. Despite its present decline, the Gemeinwirtschaftslehre yields a valuable implication that nonprofit firms address market failure by supplanting the pecuniary entrepreneurial motivation with a nonpecuniary one. In this article, this implication is used to reconsider two central and controversial issues in modern nonprofit economics: the rationale behind the nondistribution constraint in nonprofit firms, and the integration between the market failure and supply‐side theories of the nonprofit sector. The article concludes by discussing the emerging prospects for empirical research. 相似文献
394.
395.
Jeffrey B. Nugent 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(2):206-217
Applications of institutional analysis to the explanation of economic performance come in many flavors. Some economists have
made use of an economics-oriented flavor in treating culture as one component of that analysis. Steven Heydemann uses a more
political flavor of institutional analysis to argue that two of these economists, Douglass North and Avner Greif, have overly
simplified and homogenized the concept of culture and the way in which it affects economic performance. He goes on to identify
several instances in both the economic history and contemporary experience of the Middle East where he claims that such over-simplification
has led to shortcomings in the analysis. This paper suggests that while some of Heydemann’s claims have merit, several others
are exaggerated.
Jeffrey B. Nugent is professor of economics at the University of Southern California. He specializes in development economics and, within that field, focuses on diverse applications of both quantitative analysis and institutional analysis to various developing countries. 相似文献
Jeffrey B. NugentEmail: |
Jeffrey B. Nugent is professor of economics at the University of Southern California. He specializes in development economics and, within that field, focuses on diverse applications of both quantitative analysis and institutional analysis to various developing countries. 相似文献
396.
陈志生 《南京政治学院学报》2000,16(3):26-29
国外学者一般以科学哲学为范例研究经济哲学问题,近年来国内关于经济哲学的研究也有类似的主张。本文通过科学哲学与科学和经济哲学与经济学二者关系的比较研究,认为经济哲学的学科性质不同于科学哲学,在研究对象、研究内容和研究方法方面也与科学哲学不具有相似性。 相似文献
397.
Emek M. Uçarer 《国际研究展望》2001,2(3):288-304
During the last decade, thhe European Union intensified its efforts to define its external borders in conjunction with its efforts to evolve into a coherent, frontier-free political territory. European policy-makers slowly shaped new norms and rules pertaining to asylum, with increasingly stronger mechanisms to enforce the policy decisions. In the case of asylum and refugee protection, Europe's efforts are nested in the broad global institutional framework negotiated through and carried out by international organizations. However, these developments raise the specter of deteriorating refugee protection in Europe and beyond. This article reviews the norms and rules on which the post–World War II refugee protection regime rests and then points to the recent developments in refugee protection in Europe, which might undermine the goals of the global refugee protection. 相似文献
398.
Elisabeth Olivius 《Citizenship Studies》2019,23(8):761-779
ABSTRACTThis paper examines insurgent citizenship practices employed by activists in the exiled Burmese women’s movement from the 1990s and onwards. Consisting of political exiles, refugees and ethnic insurgents, this movement has successfully used the transnational, transitory space of the borderlands to constitute its participants as political subjects with legitimate claims to rights, citizenship and leadership. Drawing on interviews, this analysis interrogates women’s activism through the lens of insurgent citizenship practices. Thus, how have Burmese women’s activists claimed rights and lived citizenship in exile? Three main strategies are examined: firstly, women activists have positioned themselves as political actors and authorities through involvement in governance and humanitarian aid delivery in refugee camps. Secondly, they have claimed rights and political subjectivity through engagement with international norms, networks and arenas. Thirdly, they have claimed citizenship and political influence in oppositional nation-making projects through engaging with and negotiating ethno-nationalist armed struggles. The analysis highlights the multifaceted nature of women’s insurgent citizenship practices, showing how they navigate multiple marginalized subject positions, direct their rights claims towards multiple governing authorities, and enact multiple political communities. 相似文献
399.
从表面上看,交通肇事罪中对逃逸的重复评价是对刑法原理中的禁止重复评价原则的挑战。但通过剖析禁止重复评价原则背后的经济学原理就会发现,二者本质上是相暗合的。这是因为,禁止重复评价原则背后的经济逻辑就是要保证威慑的最优化,而禁止重复评价原则的适用是有条件的,其前提便是某类犯罪的特定情节或行为没有导致该类犯罪的抓获概率在一段时期内明显下降,刑罚的威慑效果也没有因为特定情节或行为的出现而受到削弱,否则,对某类犯罪的特定情节或行为进行重复评价便是必要的。 相似文献
400.
孙元君 《陕西行政学院学报》2020,(1):83-88
近年来,中东地区的持续动荡导致难民潮汹涌不止,为恐怖分子的跨境流动提供了新的机会,这不仅不利于难民的保护,而且使反恐形势变得更加复杂,探寻能够从源头上预防和阻止恐怖分子对难民身份利用以及难民向恐怖主义转化的措施成为国际社会当前所面临的一大难题。对此,国际社会要在厘清难民潮与恐怖主义之间的关系,明确难民与恐怖分子互相转化的原因的基础上,进一步规范难民甄别机制,建立公平合理的难民责任分担机制,加强国际难民治理与反恐合作,促进庇护国内难民的社会融入,以期实现打击恐怖主义和保障难民基本权利的双赢。 相似文献