Genetic polymorphism at 15 tetrameric short tandem repeat loci in four aboriginal tribal populations of Bengal

POPULATIONS: This study reports the genetic polymorphism observed at 15 short tandem repeat loci D3S1358, TH01, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317, D7S820, D16S539, CSF1PO, vWA, D8S1179, TPOX, D2S1338, D19S433, and FGA in four aboriginal populations of Bengal. The analysis was performed to decipher the suitability of CODIS as well as six other highly polymorphic and unlinked markers in Forensic Testing. Studied populations include four tribes: Karmali, Kora, Maheli, and Lodha.     

日本“政治大国”走向与自主防卫

进入20世纪80年代以后,作为经济强国的日本已经不再满足于“经济大国政治小国”的地位,历届内阁开始要求与经济大国地位相适应的政治大国地位。日本政府在寻求实现政治大国目标的过程中,主要选择了以军事领域作为突破口,以成为军事大国带动政治大国目标的实现。具体体现在强化日美同盟、建立和完善有事法制、保持自主、高效的自卫力量与积极参与联合国维和行动四个方面。     

桂林模式：品牌依托 整合多赢——“大桂林旅游圈”旅游业发展研究报告

"大桂林旅游圈"已经初具雏形,其总体运行态势良好,县域旅游与市区旅游原有格局被打破,县域旅游之间整合程度提升.桂林作为旅游中心城市对周边县域的辐射、带动作用表现在道路交通建设、旅游线路搭配、旅游信息提供上.     

中国化马克思主义民族理论在西藏的实践--纪念西藏自治区成立四十周年

总结历史,立足现实,中央人民政府和西藏地方政府签订和平解放西藏的"十七条协议",和平解放西藏.立足民族平等,消除民族隔阂,加强藏、汉民族团结,强调民族工作要"慢",不能急躁,采取灵活、"慎重、稳进"的方针开展工作.实行民族区域自治是中国共产党和毛泽东解决民族问题的基本主张.坚定不移的实行民族区域自治,藏族人民在政治上实现当家作主.帮助西藏发展经济和社会各项事业.尊重藏民族的生活习惯,保障宗教信仰自由.对达赖喇嘛的基本立场和态度是,停止独立活动,欢迎他回来.     

传承艺术经典彰显地域文化--第七届中国艺术节戏曲作品巡礼

文章从经典剧作改编、地域文化展示和时代新篇原创三方面,对各省市入选第七届中国艺术节的24台戏曲作品进行了总体巡礼和循类分析,并且对其得失成败及其与文华大奖的对应关系作了具体讨论和一般归纳.对于在"七艺节"上荣获文华大奖的剧目,也存在不足之处与遗憾之点,作为国家艺术节上的剧目,应在思想内涵、艺术创造和时代精神等方面,有着更深、更美和更新的追求.     

公共教育财政的社会适应性与地区调控要求

公共教育应当适应地区发展定位,融入地区经济社会发展规划。而义务教育作为公共产品要打破地区发展水平的限制实现均等化;高等教育作为准公共产品要契合地区发展方向实现特色化发展。由此,公共教育与地区发展的适应性则需要依靠财政调控实现,财政预算和转移支付是公共教育经费供给主要渠道。另外,还应完善公共教育财政资金使用管理和监督机制,保障公共教育财政调控目标的实现。     

Magnitude and durability of electoral change: Identifying critical elections in the U.S. Congress 1854–2010

The two hallmarks of a critical election and, hence, of a critical realignment are the magnitude of the observed change and the durability of that change. In addition to offering a new approach to measuring durable change in national party dominance, and providing a non-parametric criterion to identify unusual changes in seat/vote shares, we provide fresh insights via a unifying statistical approach that reflects both of these factors simultaneously. Furthermore, we assess the robustness of critical election determinations in two ways. First, we compare the magnitude of inter-election shifts with both average volatility over the entire time period and volatility relative to a particular time period. Second, as an alternative to the usual perspective, we consider critical elections not as a one-time cataclysm, but rather as a pair (or perhaps even triple) of consecutive substantial shifts, generated by the same underlying factors. Overall, we distinguish six elections that marginally or provisionally meet our criteria to be critical elections. But focusing on pairs of elections, 1858–60 and 1930–32 stand out as critical among all elections since the 1850s.