论国际形势对当前国内稳定的影响

冷战终结后,世界力量对比变化与中美复杂互动、全球化加速和经济危机交织、互联网发展及多元文化融合,使"中国特色"、"中国制造"、"中国声音"格外醒目,并在客观上导致我国国内政治、经济、社会各个层面的稳定面临着前所未有的新压力。     

革命者与立法者之间：新英格兰乡镇的政治学理

美利坚独立革命的烽火首先从乡镇（波士顿、康科德、莱克星顿）点燃，并在乡镇联合行动中逐步形成燎原之势。1780年，在麻萨诸塞，新的邦宪条款的制定可以说是参加制宪大会（convention）的代表与他们各自所代表的乡镇民众不断讨论斟酌的结果，其中大、小乡镇之间围绕邦议会代表权、行政职位的设置、司法权的地位、邦与各乡镇之关系等现实议题的争论正是七年后费城合众国立宪大会的现实依据和学理基础。在丹尼尔·谢斯（Daniel Shays）及其率领的自耕农（Regulators）看来，麻萨诸塞政府已经成为东部商业利益集团谋取私利的工具，设在波士顿的新政府日趋脱离人民，走向专制，为此人民有责任揭竿而起，驱逐渡士顿的权力精英，捍卫《独立宣言》的基本原则；同样，在南、北战争前夕的南部种植园主看来，联邦政府已被以林肯及其共和党代表的东北部利益集团所操控，美利坚国家的立国原则遭到破坏，而南部“美利坚联众国”（the Confederate States of America）的使命正是意在捍卫美利坚国父们的立国精神。为此，对乡镇的历史考察和现实观照无疑是推进我们理解当代美国政治和美利坚政治文化的关键环节，本文正是这一努力的初步尝试。     

寻求韩国预防大国在东北亚冲突中的作用

随着中国在地区事务中的作用与责任与日俱增,中国在解决地区安全、贸易及环境问题等方面的合作日益至关重要。美国总统奥巴马曾说,美中关系是美国在国际事务中最重要的关系。但东北亚地区有许多问题会经常引发中美两国产生争议和冲突。本文将论证朝鲜半岛问题本身对这种中美合作关系的负面影响。天安舰事件证明了中美两国合作关系的脆弱性;包括核问题在内旷日持久的＂朝鲜问题＂影响中美关系。美国和中国在如何看待与解决朝鲜问题方面存在分歧。特别是在过去两年内,两个大国之间的分歧已经扩大。因此,本文最后将论述韩国对改善美中关系的作用。为避免冷战格局重现,韩国在朝鲜半岛及东北亚地区应该能够发挥更大的作用。     

Industrial restructuring in CEE regions: determinants of regional growth in the accession and in the crisis period

After the fall of the Iron Curtain, intense processes of industrial reconversion occurred in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. Adopting a territorial perspective, the aim of this paper is to assess the impact of industrial restructuring on the economic growth of CEE regions, classified according to the typology of the industrial reconversion that occurred. Results point out that those areas able to reconvert their productive specialization to both new sectors and higher value functions achieved the best economic performance. These findings provide interesting insights on the past mechanisms of growth in CEE countries and they convey relevant policy implications for their future industrial strategies.     

Has the Clean Air Interstate Rule Fulfilled Its Mission? An Assessment of Federal Rule‐Making in Preventing Regional Spillover Pollution

The Environmental Protection Agency developed the Clean Air Interstate Rule (CAIR) to minimize sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxide emissions from power plants and prevent pollution spillover into downwind states. While observers of CAIR claim success in the reduction of air pollution, our innovative multivariate statistical analysis based on spatial and facility‐level panel data finds mixed results concerning the rule's effectiveness. On the one hand, we find that CAIR facilities are associated with increases in the reduction rate of pollution compared to non‐CAIR facilities. However, the evidence suggests that sulfur dioxide levels decreased in CAIR‐mandated facilities before the actual implementation of the program. Additionally, on the one hand, CAIR facilities in the interior of states are associated with slower pollution reduction rates than those on the border. However, this difference in reduction rate does not change dramatically before or after the adoption or implementation of this rule. This suggests that the CAIR program was ineffective in targeting specific facilities most likely to contribute to interstate pollution. We conclude that while CAIR spurred the electrical utility industry to reduce air pollution, some of these reductions occurred before the actual implementation of the program. More substantially, gains in interstate spillover pollution did not occur by targeting specific facilities most likely to spillover but rather through the overall reduction of air pollution in the eastern states.     

“航线共同体”整合概念的中国海洋发展战略——海权发展与中外历史经验

本文以当代区域整合的概念，结合传统“中华世界帝国”区域整合概念，诠释“航线共同体”的建构，并多角度地分析了明朝郑和创建的“封贡航线”和二战后美国在世界建构“全球围堵航线”，双双建构了海洋霸权。据此启示，通过“东亚共同体”走向“亚洲共同体”，再经“亚非共同体”迈向“地球共同体”的阶段性海洋发展战略，中国的海权发展才能建构出足以维护世界和平与安全的国际秩序，创造出安和富庶、共存共荣的优质国际社会。     

基层人大代表联系选民工作存在的问题和对策——以西部地区X市X区第十五届人大代表的调查为例

我国基层人大代表联系选民存在服务意识落后、联系形式单一、以集体视察为主等问题.因此,增强代表的责任意识、建立代表联系选民的公示制度、公开接待选民、发挥党员代表的模范作用等创新型联系渠道有待进一步制度化.     

Has Regionalism Peaked? The Latin American Quagmire and its Lessons

Since 1960, Latin American attempts at regionalism have undergone distinct phases. More notably, they have tended to diverge across space, gradually giving birth to separate blocs that seem to be tearing South, Central and North America apart. Additionally, within and across these regions several overlapping projects coexist. This article focuses on the dynamics of segmented and overlapping regionalism in order to describe what they look like, analyse how they articulate with one another, and explain why member states have pushed for such a messy outcome. This situation, linked to the evolution of the global context, might be indicating that regionalism in Latin America has reached its peak, beyond which it may be difficult to achieve further progress. Two conclusions are elicited: first, economic integration is becoming a geographically diffused phenomenon rather than a regional one; second, regionalism is still a compelling foreign policy but its causes, goals and outcomes are no longer what they used to be.     

RCEP:特点、问题与前景

作为世界最大的自由贸易安排,RCEP所取得的突破不仅有利于改善区域贸易与投资环境、增强区域供应链、推动经济复苏,还为区域经济一体化、全球贸易自由化、基于规则的多边贸易体制注入了前行的动力。同时,它对中国贸易和投资的可持续发展、高水平制度型开放、实施自由贸易区提升战略、构建国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局也可以发挥积极作用。RCEP以市场准入、规则、合作为支柱,具有开放包容、全面、高质量、互惠等诸多特点,并突出东盟方式与东盟中心地位。RCEP的后续生效实施与适时升级,将面临成员差异性与利益诉求复杂性、外部因素牵制、既有FTA规则的多样性与整合的难度、区域身份认同与大国协调等现实问题的挑战,仍需要以渐进灵活的方式,不断推动其深化和拓展。中国应一如既往支持东盟的主导地位,推动RCEP尽快生效。既要助力东盟提升凝聚力、加强大国协调,也要加速推进中日韩FTA谈判、加快与东盟成员的FTA构建。应不断提高规则利用率,充分发挥FTA本应具有的效应,以制度型开放营造良好营商环境,持续推动区域制度性经济一体化。     

《亚洲打击海盗及武装抢劫船只的地区合作协定》评价

2006年9月4日,正式生效的《亚洲打击海盗及武装抢劫船只的地区合作协定》(以下简称《协定》)将对该地区的国际关系和打击海盗与武装抢劫船舶活动造成重要影响。对于同样是该地区有重要影响的中国来说,国内学界未对《协定》进行专门分析与论述。本文就《协定》产生的背景、《协定》与《联合国海洋法公约》中关于“海盗行为”与“武装抢劫船舶”定义之异同、缔约国在《协定》中享受的权利与义务、《协定》的意义与特点进行了分析与论述。