甘肃省区域经济发展差异性分析

针对甘肃省经济发展的整体特征,该文选取2009年甘肃省14个市州的数据,采用因子分析法——聚类分析法,对甘肃14个市州的发展水平进行实证分析,依据实证结果可将14个市州发展水平划分为发达、次发达、一般和落后四个发展梯度,针对不同的梯度提出了缩小区域间发展差距的对策和建议.     

Nationalisation of multilevel party systems: A conceptual and empirical analysis

The concept of ‘nationalisation’ is vigorously discussed in the literature and three dimensions have been proposed. A first dimension considers the extent to which a party's vote in territorial units varies across time and this is labeled ‘dynamic nationalisation’. ‘Distributional nationalisation’ focuses on the degree to which there is an equal distribution of party votes across territorial units. Finally, ‘party‐linkage nationalisation’ concerns the extent to which candidates link together under common party labels. In addition to a conceptual debate there has been a simultaneous debate on the measurement of the various forms of nationalisation. This article contributes to both debates and argues that most of the literature on nationalisation suffers from a methodological nationalism bias – that is, the tendency of many scholars to choose the statewide level and national election as the natural unit of analysis. This claim is supported by a conceptual and empirical analysis regarding the effects of decentralisation on nationalisation. The conceptual analysis shows that the non‐robust findings of many studies concerning the effects of decentralisation on nationalisation can be related to the methodological nationalism bias. An effect of decentralisation is found once nationalisation is conceptualised with regard to its multilevel dimension and the measurements of nationalisation are differentiated according to parties, regions and type of elections (national or regional). An empirical analysis on the nationalisation of party systems, parties and regions in 18 countries for national and regional elections held between 1945 and 2009 shows that regional authority has a significant and robust effect on regions and regional elections but not on parties, party systems and national vote shares.     

India as a democracy promoter? New Delhi's involvement in Nepal's return to democracy

According to the theory of ‘democratic peace’, India, as the largest democracy in the world and as South Asia's predominant regional power, should be expected to promote democracy in neighbouring countries. However, New Delhi lacks any kind of official democracy-promotion policy, and its past record on democracy promotion efforts in the region is mixed at best. Against this background, the article analyses the substantial role India has come to play in the peace and democratization process in Nepal in the years 2005–2008, asking whether this constitutes a departure from New Delhi's traditional policy of non-interference in its neighbours' internal affairs and a move towards a more assertive approach to democracy promotion. However, the analysis shows that India's involvement in Nepal was the product of short-term stability concerns rather than being an indicator of a long-term change in strategy with the intention of becoming an active player in international democracy promotion.     

The 2013 South Tyrolean Election: The End of SVP Hegemony

The results of the 2013 South Tyrolean elections, held on 27 October, caused major changes in the political system of the autonomy. For the first time since the Second World War the South Tyrolean People's Party (SVP) lost its absolute majority. While the German secessionist parties increased their electoral support, the Italian parties suffered heavy electoral losses, thus leading to an under-representation of Italian speakers in the political institutions. The election report shows how the electoral results affect the South Tyrolean system of ethnic proportional representation, which is characterized by an increasing asymmetry.     

Beyond Identities: Political Determinants of Support for Decentralization in Contemporary Spain

Support for decentralization has generally been considered an outcome derived from the existence of regional or subnational identities. A recent complementary explanation has highlighted the role of politics to create regionally orientated support. We combine these two explanations by studying what determines the support for decentralization in Spain, an almost unique case where these two approaches can be tested. Using a hierarchical model, we show that in those regions without a different subnational identity, some citizens develop regionally orientated support because of their wish to bring the administration closer to the citizens and because their preferred party is pushing for further decentralization. In addition, we highlight the importance of considering decentralization as an outcome derived from party dynamics, which are able to shape political attitudes towards decentralization.     

司法改革的使命——中共十八届三中全会司法改革内容解读

中共十八届三中全会对我国司法改革作出了全面的战略部署。其核心是“两个去除”：去除司法地方保护和去除司法行政化。实现前者的路径包括人财物的省级统管和司法区划的建立,实现后者的路径主要包括改革司法人事管理制度、改革审判委员会制度、规范上下级法院关系和司法公开。落实这“两个去除”,是保障独立审判,维护司法权威,实现我国社会的司法之治的必由之路。     

朝贡贸易制度论

朝贡贸易是存在于古代中国——东亚和东南亚的一种地区合作制度,贸易成为相互联系的手段,目的是维系地区关系的和谐与秩序。它是中国传统文化的—个重要组成部分和外化,是中国古代外交思想的体现。它在有效运作的同时,也存在着因为制度缺陷而引发的矛盾和冲突。本文从历史学与国际关系学相结合的角度,客观评价了朝贡贸易制度的积极作用和不足之处。     

“一带一路”区域劳动关系风险状况与发展趋势

"一带一路"倡议提出以来,对国家贸易拉动效应明显,但中资企业劳动关系受区域风险因素影响逐步显现。各区域风险因素中,国家因素是首要原因,雇主和工程因素次之。在"一带一路"24个港口国家中有20个国家的劳动关系风险集中在中度风险,而阿尔及利亚与巴哈马的劳动关系风险等级是高度风险,安全度最低,加拿大与坦桑尼亚为一般风险,安全度最高。中资企业与当地的政治、经济、文化、社会环境产生互联融通,使中国劳动关系总体呈现"两极化"的发展态势:一极向微观网络延伸,伴随互联网+平台企业的崛起,劳动关系风险呈现网络化发展趋势;另一极向宏观区域延伸,伴随"一带一路"倡议的推进,劳动关系风险呈现区域化趋势。     

市管县实践的反思:"复合行政"的视角

从制度演变的轨迹看,我国曾经三次大规模地推行市管县体制.由于制度背景的差异,市管县体制所取得的绩效也发生了很大的变化,从推动地方经济发展到各种弊端日益突出.分析市管县体制的各种影响因素,可以看出行政区划变革在促进经济发展中的局限性.要解决区域经济一体化的问题,就应该从治理的角度,寻求有效的地方治理之道,复合行政的理念就提供了这样一种新思路.     

区域协同立法博弈分析

区域协同立法是适应区域经济一体化发展的立法体制创新。这一创新过程的实质是代表各利益主体的立法机关之间的复杂博弈,既有基于观念分歧的立法理念的“博弈”,也有基于利益冲突的策略型重复博弈。针对可能出现的博弈困境,应建立学习与交流机制以提升各方对区域协同立法的认知水平,并充分照顾到各方正当利益,以提高各方的协作意愿;应以促进区域市场有效运作为导向规范各行政区的立法行为,建立双边或多边协商机制,逐步提升协同立法的水平。