科技创新对科技人才聚集的影响及其空间溢出效应——基于空间面板Durbin模型的实证研究

基于2000-2017年省际面板数据和空间面板Durbin模型,研究了地区科技创新能力对科技人才聚集的影响及其空间溢出效应。结果表明：地区科技创新能力提升不仅有助于本地区科技人才的聚集,也有利于通过溢出效应促进邻近地区的科技人才聚集;科技创新能力提升对科技人才聚集的影响具有显著的地区差异;科技创新与科技人才聚集均具有空间相关性。因此,应强化科技创新与科技人才聚集的结合,在完善多方联动机制的基础上共建跨区科技人才流动平台,科学构建科技人才自由流动机制,并引导科技人才向科技创新优势和创新特色地区聚集。     

深化行政执法体制改革加快推进法治政府建设

党的十八届四中全会《决定》提出全面推进依法治国,并首次对法治政府做出标准界定。深化行政执法体制改革,加快推进法治政府建设,是深入贯彻四中全会《决定》精神的应有之义。行政执法体制与法治政府建设标准的各个方面密切相关,应从三个方面入手:一是深化行政执法主体改革,规范执法主体权限,严格政府权力边界,促进政府职能科学、权责法定;二是深化行政执法程序改革,严格执法程序和执法标准,切实解决老百姓身边的执法不公问题,促进政府执法严明、公开公正;三是深化行政执法责任改革,加强执法监督和执法责任落实,促进政府廉洁高效、诚实守信。     

准确把握当前油地合作的新特征——以胜利油田、东营市为例

我国石油工业的发展史,也是一部油地合作的深化史、进步史。当前,油地合作正处于一个历史转型期、快速发展期和大有作为期。油地合作的基本特征是加快发展与加速共融。基本要求是三个转变:由地上服从地下向地下地上兼顾转变;由生产带动生活向生产生活兼顾转变;由临机处置、一事一议等个案处理向机制化、常态化、一揽子统筹转变。做实油地合作,要实现三个目标:生产高效发展、生活融入发展、生态共建发展。     

国际区域经济一体化进程与中国

21世纪以来,由于多边贸易谈判屡次受挫,世界各国开始热衷于推进区域经济一体化进程,积极开展区域贸易协定谈判。目前,全球及各主要地区的区域贸易协定在合作模式、运行机制以及运作领域等方面呈现出许多新特征。中国已于2001年起努力寻求与贸易伙伴缔结区域贸易协定。研究区域经济一体化进程及其特点,将有利于深化我国的区域经济一体化战略,应对新的国际区域经济合作进程。     

Never Thaw that coming! Latin American regional integration and the US–Cuba Thaw

Existing accounts of the US–Cuba Thaw correctly identify the decisiveness of Latin American states in pushing the 2014 change in US policy towards Cuba. Problematically, however, these accounts overlook a range of regional integration projects pursued by Latin American states that prove pivotal in ascertaining the central dynamics of the region in shaping the Thaw. This article argues that these regional integration projects are imperative to understanding how Latin American states were able to alter US policy towards Cuba, for three reasons. First, these initiatives, and Cuba’s role in these projects, are central to understanding why Cuba came to be a unanimously ‘regional’ issue for Latin American states of all political persuasions; second, the challenges to US dominance in the region provided by these integration projects were ultimately what gave Latin American states their teeth in pushing the Obama administration to reconsider its policy towards Cuba; and third, a consideration of this broader regional context more thoroughly illustrates the strategic nature of the change in policy towards Cuba as an attempt by the US to salvage its ability to influence regional affairs in response to these integration initiatives that excluded it from the region’s architecture.     

How Does Globalisation Affect Regional Inequality within A Developing Country? Evidence from China

Developing countries are increasingly concerned about effects of globalisation on regional inequality. This paper develops an empirical method for decomposing the contributions of two major driving forces of globalisation, foreign trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), on regional inequality and applies it to China. Even after controlling for many other factors, globalisation is still found to be an important factor contributing to the widening regional inequality. The paper ends by investigating the role of factor market segmentations in aggravating the distributional effect of changing regional comparative advantages in the process of globalisation.     

Rising Inequality in Mexico: Household Characteristics and Regional Effects

We use an empirical framework to identify the contributions of microeconomic factors to the sharp rise in household (per capita) income inequality in Mexico between 1984 and 1994. Results indicate that changes in returns to household characteristics, in particular changes in returns to education, are responsible for about half of the increase in the Gini coefficient. The deteriorating conditions in rural areas relative to the urban areas and of the southern region relative to other regions account for another fourth of the increase in the Gini.     

Comparative Regionalism: A Field Whose Time has Come?

Is comparative regionalism a field whose time has come? While the contemporary interest in comparing regions and regionalisms may be not completely new, it is different from older approaches. Our understanding of what makes regions has changed with social constructivist and critical theoretical approaches that have led to a less behavioural and more nuanced, complex, contested and fluid understanding of regions. Moreover, the globalisation phenomenon has deeply affected all social sciences and radically redefined the relative autonomy of regions. In keeping with the rapid growth and development of regionalism and institutions in the non-Western world, including in regions which were relatively late starters, such as Asia, there have emerged new ways of looking at regional cooperation, including claims about distinctive approaches and even ‘models’ that are not only different from those identified with the EU, but also supposedly more appropriate and thus ‘workable’ for non-Western regions than the EU straightjacket.     

Regionalism in Asia as Disguised Multilateralism: A Critical Analysis of the East Asia Summit and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Revolving around the concept of ‘Community’ or ‘community’, debate on an Asian region has ostensibly pitted those who proposed an entity limited to East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea and the ten countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN) against those who proposed a much wider region embracing India, North (and, perhaps, South) America, as well as Australasia. Previously these two conceptualisations possessed their eponymous translation in the East Asian Economic Caucus (reincarnated as ASEAN+3) and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. However, with the creation in 2005 of the East Asian Summit to include India, Australia and New Zealand and, above all, its 2011 enlargement to include the United States and Russia, the contrast between the two conceptualisations of an Asian region has become confused. In order to explain this development, this article suggests that the language of ‘region’ or ‘community’ is a discursive smokescreen disguising changes in approaches to multilateralism. An examination of the East Asia Summit, contrasting it with another recent regional project, the Trans Pacific Partnership, suggests that the actors involved are seeking to ensure the primacy of individual nation states in intergovernmental multilateral relations.     

美韩FTA的起步、拖延及影响——以东亚区域合作为视角的分析

美韩签署FTA是两国对现实背景和贸易环境所做出的适应性反应,尽管美国的遏制意图和韩国的抢占制高点的意图有所不同,但其共同点都是试图使自身在未来的东亚区域合作中占据主动位置,但美韩FTA的久拖不决也使其潜在的影响产生了变数。韩国的这一举动显然是在走一条有别于东亚区域合作既有模式的道路,必然会对原有进程产生影响。它还使中国目前在东亚区域合作中所取得的成果缩水,因而有必要重新评估我国自身的FTA战略,以寻找根本性的解决方案。