全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 3125篇 |
| 免费 | 16篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 99篇 |
| 工人农民 | 53篇 |
| 世界政治 | 101篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 194篇 |
| 法律 | 927篇 |
| 中国共产党 | 177篇 |
| 中国政治 | 354篇 |
| 政治理论 | 279篇 |
| 综合类 | 957篇 |
出版年
| 2025年 | 6篇 |
| 2024年 | 15篇 |
| 2023年 | 17篇 |
| 2022年 | 21篇 |
| 2021年 | 33篇 |
| 2020年 | 73篇 |
| 2019年 | 51篇 |
| 2018年 | 33篇 |
| 2017年 | 70篇 |
| 2016年 | 62篇 |
| 2015年 | 57篇 |
| 2014年 | 153篇 |
| 2013年 | 230篇 |
| 2012年 | 203篇 |
| 2011年 | 186篇 |
| 2010年 | 180篇 |
| 2009年 | 201篇 |
| 2008年 | 225篇 |
| 2007年 | 233篇 |
| 2006年 | 246篇 |
| 2005年 | 248篇 |
| 2004年 | 208篇 |
| 2003年 | 143篇 |
| 2002年 | 102篇 |
| 2001年 | 79篇 |
| 2000年 | 44篇 |
| 1999年 | 5篇 |
| 1998年 | 2篇 |
| 1997年 | 1篇 |
| 1996年 | 1篇 |
| 1995年 | 3篇 |
| 1994年 | 1篇 |
| 1993年 | 1篇 |
| 1990年 | 4篇 |
| 1989年 | 1篇 |
| 1988年 | 3篇 |
排序方式： 共有3141条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
Dennis Sullivan 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(2):139-161
The article looks at basic questions of what constitutes a justice that takes into account the needs of all people. Thus an attempt is made to outline some of the basic tenets of a needs-based justice. 相似文献
82.
司法解释的错位与回归——以法律解释权的配置为切入点 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
法官在个案中作出解释是法律解释活动规律的必然要求,是我国司法活动复杂性的客观需要,是消除我国司法活动中诸多弊端的有效措施。要保障法官在个案中作出法律解释,就必须建立一支高素质的法官队伍,并为法官独立审判提供良好的环境。最高人民法院作出统一解释,是维护我国法制统一的需要,是法官在个案中寻求权威性解释的需要,是最高人民法院司法权威的体现。可以考虑在最高人民法院内部设置大法官会议,按照严格的程序,专职作出统一的法律解释。 相似文献
83.
Ricardo de João Braga André Rehbein Sathler Roberto Campos da Rocha Miranda 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2016,22(4):460-483
ABSTRACTThis article analyses the institutional development of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies (BCD) from 1826 to the present. Legislature careers, the internal organisation of the BCD, the current system for filling positions within the committees and electoral rules are the objects of this study. The process of development of the BCD should be understood in light of the dynamics of the Brazilian political system, which has undergone significant ruptures of regime, and also in light of the nearly permanent fragility of the democracy, especially of its representative components. It is an institution with legislature career patterns that vary through time, but always point towards opportunities out of the BCD, a stable, hierarchical and complex mode of organisation that currently values parties as distributors of opportunities. It is, above all, an institution that is subject to external influences from other parts of the political system, which diminish its autonomy and self-determination, as shown by the example of the rule for the adjudication of terms. With its 190 years, the BCD has evolved along with Brazilian democracy and today, although boasting a great structure and large resources, it still needs to establish itself as a decisive and permanent actor in driving public policies and communication (parties and government projects) with voters. 相似文献
84.
Kristen Hopewell 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(3):634-652
The existing liberal international economic order was constructed during the era of American hegemony and has been heavily shaped by US power. How is the rise of China affecting global economic governance? This article analyzes the case of export credit, which has long been considered a highly effective international regulatory regime and an important component of global trade governance. I show that the rise of China is profoundly altering the landscape of export credit and undermining its governance arrangements. State-backed export credit is a key tool of China's development strategy, yet I argue that an explosion in China's use of export credit is eroding the efficacy of existing international rules intended to prevent a competitive spiral of state subsidization via export credit. The case of export credit highlights a fundamental tension between liberal institutions of global governance and the development objectives of emerging powers. 相似文献
85.
Numerous empirical studies suggest that global interest communities are heavily biased in favor of wealthier countries. This research note critically reviews these works suggesting that they (i) lack a benchmark to assess the biased nature of global interest communities and (ii) conflate the concepts of “wealth” (based on GDP per capita) and “economic power” (based on GDP) into one analytical category. As a corrective to these problems, we compare variation in global interest group mobilization across countries to the size of these countries' national economies. Relying on an original dataset mapping interest groups communities at the World Trade Organization (1997–2012) and the United Nations Climate Summits (1997–2011), we show that (i) global interest representation almost perfectly reflects differences in countries' relative economic power and (ii) contrary to the conventional wisdom, wealthier countries are, relative to their economic size, actually underrepresented in global interest communities. 相似文献
86.
Armin Mertens Christine Trampusch Florian Fastenrath Rebecca Wangemann 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(2):370-387
By analyzing why English local governments have made extensive use of long-term market loans with embedded derivatives, this paper seeks to contribute to the growing literature on local government financialization. Using an original, large-N panel dataset for the period from 1998 to 2014, we show that the configuration of the local political economy is an important driver of financialization processes: a Labour Party majority as well as fiscal and economic stress make it more likely that councils adopt risky financial instruments. As the use of financial innovations has also diffused geographically, policy diffusion impacts local governments as well. Highlighting the conditional effect of finance sector power, which only increases the use of financial innovations in very large councils, as well as the temporal dimension of fiscal and economic stress, we create ample avenues for further research. 相似文献
87.
Zenel Garcia 《Asian Politics & Policy》2016,8(4):538-558
In recent decades East Asia has become the center of global economic dynamism. Despite this, the region is home to a significant number of unresolved territorial disputes that threaten to undermine peace and stability. This article aims to synthesize the concepts of role‐power gaps from Power Cycle Theory (PCT) and patterns of amity and enmity from Regional Security Complex Theory in an effort to increase their respective ability to determine the likelihood of peaceful transitions and stable relations in the region. The first section presents the main principles of PCT and how amenable the theory is to a synthesis with Regional Security Complex Theory. The second section assesses critical points in which the United States, Japan, China, and South Korea find themselves and how these can influence policymaking. The third section provides a brief overview of patterns of amity and enmity that characterize the relationship between these states. The fourth section synthesizes the critical points. 相似文献
88.
叶利钦执政早期,国务委员会充分发挥了协调整合行政权力的功能,使俄国家权力结构避免了宪制改革后的严重混乱失衡.1993年《俄罗斯联邦宪法》颁布后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构趋于多元化,国务委员会既无法解决中央层面的总统与立法机关的结构矛盾,又无法解决源自地方分裂主义的"央地"权力结构松散,因而归于沉寂.2000年普京开始执政后重设国务委员会.尤其在2004年"别斯兰事件"发生后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构再度集中,系统性压力激增,国务委员会的作用不断被强化,国务委员会的事务性工作人员得到扩充,工作机制和议事规则得到进一步规范.2008—2012年,国务委员会成为紧密联系"央地"的关键纽带,在一定程度上,维系了国家政治局势的稳定发展.2012年,在普京第三任期,其成功地协调了因"统一俄罗斯"党崛起而引起的联邦中央权力结构张力,缓解了央地行政层面的权力结构矛盾.2020年修宪后,国务委员会的作用向协助总统整合"全联邦"国家权力的方向转变.同时,"国务委员会"获得宪法地位,成为宪法性权力机关. 相似文献
89.
程杉 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2006,20(1):101-103
领导是影响教育管理业绩的最主要因素之一。教育管理系统的有效运行,教育组织管理目标的实现,都与领导水平息息相关。只有首先对领导观念的认识加以澄清,充分发挥领导者自身的权力效应,不断提高工作能力和水平,才能有效推动高校的改革与发展。 相似文献
90.
徐智超 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2006,21(1):55-58
《治安管理处罚法》的出台是我国治安管理领域的一次重要变革,它所反映出的对公民人权的保障,对警察权力的规范和制约以及对程序法制的重视,无疑是我国法治文明的巨大进步。但是它自身立法模式的相对滞后以及一些具体内容在理论界所引起的争论,也反映出我国的法治进程还有很长的路要走。 相似文献