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961.
While organized business is a key actor in regulatory politics, its influence is often conditional on the level of unity or conflict occurring within the business community at any given time. Most contemporary regulatory policy interventions put pressure on the normal mechanisms of business unity, as they are highly targeted and sector‐specific. This raises the question of how business unity operates across a highly variegated economic terrain in which costs are asymmetric and free‐riding incentives are high. In this paper, we empirically assess patterns of business unity within regulatory policymaking across different regulated sectors. Our analysis utilizes data from hundreds of regulatory policy proposals and business community reactions to them in the telecommunications, energy, agriculture, pharmaceutical, and financial sectors over a variety of institutional contexts. We find considerable empirical support for the “finance capital unity” hypothesis – the notion that the financial sector enjoys more business unity than other regulated sectors of the economy. When the financial sector is faced with new regulations, business groups from other sectors frequently come to its aid. 相似文献
962.
DARREN R. HALPIN;ANTHONY LOTRIC; 《European Journal of Political Research》2024,63(1):192-213
There is broad consensus that lobbyists with government experience are valuable to those who employ them, principally because they possess contacts in government and unique insights into the policy process. Yet the near exclusive focus on government experience as the defining feature of lobbyist careers, means the literature has neglected analysis of the mix of different (and important) experiences that actual lobbyists likely accumulate during their careers. We address these gaps through analysis of the career sequences of over 600 lobbyists operating across contract and in-house roles in Australia. Using the tools of sequence and cluster analysis, we identify four broad types of careers among lobbyists. While half of all lobbyists have had roles with some direct political experience, we find that distinctions between types of lobbying careers are differentiated by experience in other fields such as journalism, public relations, associations and corporate life. Moreover, our multivariate analysis shows that different career types are more strongly associated with in-house versus contract lobbying roles. We conclude that scholars should move beyond a focus on ‘revolving doors’ to more directly analyse the range of experiences that lobbyists leverage in their professional lives. 相似文献
963.
An impressive portfolio of case-study research has now demonstrated how and through what means the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries have sought higher social status. However, this field of research lacks systematic means of evaluating this status-seeking. This article fills this lacuna by developing a mixed-methods framework enabling scholars to zoom in and compare individual states’ relative status performance. Using diplomatic representation as a proxy for status recognition and comparing it to a country’s status resources (wealth), the framework indicates how successfully countries have generated recognition from the international society. The findings show that China’s economic ascent has been matched by increased recognition, and that South Africa enjoyed an almost immediate ‘status bounce’ following apartheid, turning it from a pariah to a significant overperformer. Russia should be understood as an ‘overperforming status-dissatisfied power’ while India’s status performance has been around ‘par’ for a country of its economic resources. Lastly, Brazil underperforms more than any of the other BRICS, especially since its democratic transition. The findings highlight considerable variance in the type and duration of gaps between status resource and recognition and suggests that rather than treating these as ‘inconsistencies’ awaiting correction, they can and should be accounted for by case study analyses. 相似文献
964.
Lisa Kastner 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(2):223-241
This article examines the role of non‐financial interest groups in EU financial regulatory decision‐making. While regulatory capture theories clearly helped identify the causes for the incrementality in spite of the major shock the 2008 crisis had caused, this article will consider a range of regulatory policy initiatives that do not neatly conform with this theory. I examine the extent to which non‐financial groups are able to have their preferences met in the making of three different consumer policies: the Mortgage Credit Directive (MCD), stricter regulations of retail investment products (PRIPs/KID) and the reform of EU level supervisory structures. By employing a process‐tracing approach based on qualitative interviews to analyze political responses to the 2008 financial crisis, the article demonstrates that newly mobilized groups could translate key advocacy goals into policy by deploying counter‐expertise and co‐operating with policy‐makers in some cases but not in others. 相似文献
965.
Ebere R. Adigbuo 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2019,37(4):404-420
ABSTRACTPost independence President of Cameroon, Ahmadou Ahidjo, a Fulani, like his kith and kin in Northern Nigeria, was quite supportive of Nigeria in her war with the separatist Biafra. At the end of the war, he laboured to convince Nigeria to a boundary demarcation that would place Bakassi Peninsula firmly on the side of Cameroon. Nigeria as at 1975, ensured to remain grateful to an African country that helped her during the civil war. The show of gratitude from Nigeria triggered eventually, a bellicose relation with Cameroon. Though un-confessed, Nigeria was beset with several role conflicts in her border dispute with Cameroon, since the peninsula had been inhabited by Nigerians from the pre-colonial times. This paper examines the causes and manifestations of these conflicts. To do this, the role theory framework is used. It is revealed that Nigeria’s cognitive assertions were in conflict over her material interests on Bakassi Peninsula. 相似文献
966.
Andrea Pritoni 《South European society & politics》2019,24(4):441-462
ABSTRACTHow much do Italian interest groups undertake their advocacy/lobbying activities at the EU level? How often have groups gained access to different EU level institutions? This paper presents an original conceptualisation for the concept of ‘interest group Europeanisation’, which takes into account both the percentage of EU lobbying and access to EU institutions, and assesses the role of national centrality (i.e. access to national institutional venues and self-perceived influence in national policy-making) in determining whether there is more or less interest group Europeanisation. Original data from a national survey conducted on around 500 Italian interest groups are provided. Groups that are at the core of the national interest system are less likely to undertake a large part of their lobbying activities at the EU level, but more likely to gain EU access. 相似文献
967.
This paper analyzes the policy effects of interest rate liberalization under strict inflation targeting and flexible inflation targeting, which is based on the new theory of Keynes model and the introduction of price stickiness in the framework of dynamic stochastic general equilibrium. By building, calibrating, estimating and simulating a new Keynesian DSGE model, we analyze and compare the effect of strict inflation targeting and flexible inflation targeting in the process of the interest rate liberalization. Research results show that, first of all, the strict inflation targeting regulation makes the output volatility smaller and the inflation volatility greater in face of technology shocks. Secondly, the flexible inflation target system is more conducive to controlling output and inflation in the short period when facing monetary policy shocks. Finally, the control of the strict inflation target is less from the point of view of the loss function. In other words, the central bank's loss function under the control of the strict inflation target system is small, but the flexible inflation targeting system is more conducive to controlling output and inflation in the short period. 相似文献
968.
国家公权力监督农村集体资产管理符合国家公权力介入社会自治的一般理论,具有保护农民集体所有权自治管理及其目的实现和维护社会公共利益的正当性。农民集体所有权主体、客体的特点决定的自治管理的异化可能性以及集体资产自治管理可能对社会公共利益的损害决定了国家公权力监督农村集体资产管理的必要性。国家公权力介入对农村集体资产管理的监督以尊重集体所有权自治管理为前提,必须符合正当性介入条件,并且以保护集体资产所有权利益和成员利益实现或者以维护社会公共利益为限度。 相似文献
969.
Cet article s'interroge sur les conséquences de la décision allemande de 1998, qui prévoit l'arrêt de la production d'énergie nucléaire, sur les relations entre les groupes d'intérêt économiques et les acteurs gouvernementaux. L'hypothèse est que ce changement de paradigme énergétique entraîne un changement des relations entre ces acteurs. A partir de l'étude des cadres cognitifs et des stratégies des acteurs, l'article étudie les différentes phases de transformation de la politique énergétique allemande. Si les changements graduels des années 1980 et 1990 ont mené à des adaptations à la marge, la décision de 1998, entraînant la mise à l'écart des groupes d'intérêt économiques, contraint ces derniers à élaborer de nouvelles stratégies: ils cherchent à compenser leur perte d'influence au niveau national par de nouvelles collaborations à l'échelle européenne et au niveau international. Ces stratégies restent néanmoins influencées par les structures nationales. 相似文献
970.
扶桑 《天水行政学院学报》2006,(3):84-86
利率市场化是当前我国金融体制改革的重大举措。对重要经济主体之一的中小企业而言,实施利率市场化政策后,其融资行为必将发生巨大变化。同时,中小企业经营理念的转变、地方中小金融机构的组建、政府管理制度和措施的完善等势在必行。 相似文献