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21.
贵安新区是黔中经济区的核心区,未来经济发展路径设计应该是:走产业结构优化和产业结构高级化之路;推进工业化、城镇化、农业现代化“三化”同步发展,走产业集群发展之路;转变经济发展方式,走“集约化”发展之路;推进经济由封闭型向开放型转变,走向开放型经济发展之路。 相似文献
22.
近两年来,改革顶层设计正成为中国政治领域中的新概念。全面推进,重点突破,已成为改革顶层设计的基本要义。其中,初次分配中的工资协商共决,更成为政府和劳资双方致力和谐企业建设的重要平台。 相似文献
23.
建构主义理论对高校教学改革的意义和启示 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
禹实 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2007,21(5):104-108
最早提出建构主义的是瑞士心理学家皮亚杰。建构主义认为,学习是学习者主动建构内部心理表征的过程;学习需要通过合作使认知和理解更加丰富和全面;教师是学生学习的主导,学生是学习的主体;建构主义的教学方法有:支架式、抛锚式、情境性教学、随机进入教学。建构主义理论对高校教学改革具有积极的意义:依照建构主义理论,系统实施教学改革;抓住内涵,建设精品课;制定措施,培养学生自主学习意识;开发校园环境建设新模式,促进学生心理健康发展。 相似文献
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如何打破政策“黑箱”是学界和社会关注的重要议题。以广州市政策兑现改革实践为例,探讨如何从制度设计层面来打开公共政策过程中的政策“黑箱”。研究发现,虽然公共政策过程是一个动态且复杂的过程,但是通过统筹政策制定和政策落地两端、主观要素客观化、模糊标准明确化、重塑政府流程等,能够形成确定的决策环境,控制非理性因素,约束自由裁量权,并压缩权力寻租空间,从而可以从源头消除政策“黑箱”的形成土壤。广州市政府政策兑现改革过程中,通过“输入—转化—输出”的制度框架设计,形成了从政策制定到政策执行再到政策结果与评估的政策闭环,并对政策兑现的相关责任单位、流程和时限都进行了严格把控,进而实现对政策“黑箱”内部决策要素的控制。从政策“黑箱”本身入手,破解政策“黑箱”难题,实现政策的阳光承诺和给付,最终形成极具特色和借鉴意义的广州模式。 相似文献
26.
Charlotte C. L. Wagenaar 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(1):192-202
Referendums are regularly criticised for reducing complex policy decisions to two maximally opposed options. This reduces opportunities for voter expression and can polarise debates. Alternative referendum designs which present more than two ballot options can offer innovative opportunities, but also raise new challenges. We can benefit by learning from previous experiences with multi-option referendum voting. Discussions of such experiences are rare and have often focussed on a limited number of cases. This article provides an overview of over 100 multi-option referendum experiences around the world. It discusses the topics on which they were held and the ballot options that were offered. It then analyses the variety in ballot design in terms of questions posed and voting methods applied. Drawing on the experiences of multi-option referendums, the article concludes with lessons that can be learned in relation to initiating and designing these referendums. 相似文献
27.
高职院校艺术设计专业教育应该强调以学生就业为导向,从专业教育的培养目标、课程设置、教师职能的发挥以及实践基地建设等入手,进一步加强教学模式的改革,因为教学模式改革已成为高职艺术设计专业发展的必然趋势。 相似文献
28.
An increasing number of citizens change and adapt their party preferences during the electoral campaign. We analyze which short-term factors explain intra-campaign changes in voting preferences, focusing on the visibility and tone of news media reporting and party canvassing. Our analyses rely on an integrative data approach, linking data from media content analysis to public opinion data. This enables us to investigate the relative impact of news media reporting as well as party communication. Inherently, we overcome previously identified methodological problems in the study of communication effects on voting behavior. Our findings reveal that campaigns matter: Especially interpersonal party canvassing increases voters’ likelihood to change their voting preferences in favor of the respective party, whereas media effects are limited to quality news outlets and depend on individual voters’ party ambivalence. 相似文献
29.
Alexander Kowalski 《Negotiation Journal》2018,34(2):187-206
A massive open online course (MOOC) entitled “Shaping the Future of Work” (offered through MITx, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's online learning division) has been the context for a multiparty simulation designed to produce classroom negotiation results that will have social impacts. After running the course in the MOOC context three times and in face‐to‐face settings eight times, we noticed that key themes emerged. Participants have brought their own workforce perspectives to their simulation roles as employers, worker representatives, elected officials, and educators. They have called for reciprocal agreements centered on fair treatment and representation in the workplace, improved organizational performance, investments in skills and capabilities, aligned rewards and benefits for workers, and work–life balance in communities. We continue to use the simulation in the classroom and are exploring ways to expand its use. In the meantime, in this article, we discuss how the insights gleaned from this simulation could be used to crystallize and advance a new social contract at a time when the public policies, institutions, and organizational practices governing employment relations have not kept up with the dramatic changes taking place in the workforce, nature of work, and overall economy. 相似文献
30.
Multilateral negotiations at the World Trade Organization have stalled. This has contributed to a steep rise in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). At the same time, negotiations for PTAs have not always proven quick and painless: While some treaties are sealed within a few months or days only, other agreements are preceded by protracted bargaining processes in trade and trade-related issue areas. In this article, we provide a theoretical explanation for this empirical variation. More specifically, we argue that PTA negotiations take longer the greater the distance between the prospective partners’ initial bargaining positions. Moreover, we contend that negotiation processes become more protracted the higher the relative ambition of the prospective PTA. Due to the limited links to the domestic political arena in autocracies, we expect this latter effect to play out for groups of democratic bargaining partners only. We test these two hypotheses for 198 preferential trade negotiations using novel measures for bargaining templates and the ambition of PTA clauses. In our two-stage survival models, we find support for our argument. In line with qualitative evidence from recent preferential trade initiatives, our models indicate that services, investment and intellectual property rights are particularly sticky agenda items for democratic leaders at the international bargaining table. 相似文献