论和谐治理与合作型政府治理模式构建

和谐社会的理想境界要靠以政府为主导的和谐治理来实现;以政府为主导的和谐治理可称为合作型政府治理模式。合作的时代诉求和现实基础彰显了选择该模式的必要与可行。合作型政府治理模式的基本特征是:多元主体,民主决策,法治化管理,市场和社会化服务,责任过程和效能结果。该模式的构建须有宽容态度和发展眼光,需要提高民主法治质量,发展公民社会,建立协商对话机制与合作文化环境,加快行政改革,推进政府转型。     

国家与社会博弈逻辑中的乡村自治

本文沿着“推进村民自治的目的,民主主体理性的培养,自治主体的组织化,旧非正式组织的改造,正式组织的革新,乡村与国家权力边界的界定,社会权力的扩张,两种民主的结合”这一前后相继的分析路径,求解乡村自治问题。     

外交政策中的非物质诉求——国家声誉研究

国家声誉属于外交政策中的非物质性诉求当中一个重要因素。本文主要围绕国家声誉的本体实在、认识层次、前提假设以及作用条件展开论述。本文首先阐明国家声誉的理性基础是知识理性,然后对国家声誉因素展开本体论、认识论的分析,并指出声誉因素起作用的边界条件。文章最后就国家声誉在实践中的运用做了案例分析。     

澜沧江-湄公河次区域合作的国际法问题

澜沧江—湄公河流域是东南亚的一个次区域,连接6个国家。在东盟推进合作的行动中,该区域成为了重要的目标和对象。有关该区域水资源的共享、开发、利用和保护等规则须依托国际法的基本原则和规则而形成。本文从国际法角度分析了国际水道共享中的有关问题,明确了澜沧江—湄公河次区域合作中的基本法律规则和原则。     

试论我国习惯的地位及与国家法的关系——以“合会”为中心的考察

通过对合会这一广泛存在的民间融资习惯的分析,初步探讨习惯在我国的地位及其与国家法之间的关系.首先分别阐述了合会在制定法上与实际生活中的地位,认为国家制订法应当认可习惯,而习惯由于传统外在权威的缺失去也需要国家法的确认.在此基础上从实然和应然的层面探讨了习惯和国家法之间的关系,指出从现实角度来看,在司法、执法环节,习惯被国家法默认;而从理想的角度来看,习惯应当被国家立法所认可.     

What Limits for Government Control? Civil Liberties and Anti‐terror Measures after the Heathrow Bomb Plot

The threat posed by transnational terrorism has excited debate about how best to calibrate relations between government, the courts and parliament: how can the provision of internal security be facilitated, whilst respecting freedoms and ensuring that policies enjoy broad legitimacy? Attention has focussed primarily on the power of the courts. Sections of the government have mooted a curtailment of judicial competencies; by contrast, a broad range of actors calls for ‐ at the least ‐ the maintenance of current judicial powers as the best means to prevent government from exploiting its already large scope for manoeuvre, as well as to overcome public scepticism. Yet the current debate misses the point that relations between government, courts and parliament have already been altered. Government has gained extra political resources thanks to its participation in forms of international counterterrorist cooperation. This shift of power, and associated problems, were clear during the recent ‘Heathrow bomb plot’.     

Independent regulatory agencies in Turkey: are they really autonomous?

This article examines the autonomy of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) in Turkey. It explores, first, the different factors that have led to the creation of IRAs and second, the legislative basis of their formal or de jure autonomy. Thereafter, the article assesses the extent to which this formal autonomy is really put in practice and how it is perceived by board members. The enquiry was conducted through a survey comprising interviews and a questionnaire applied to the same. It concludes that although formal autonomy is satisfactorily provided for by law, government tends to limit this autonomy through secondary legislation. Consequently, there are some constraints on the actual use of autonomy. Concerning de facto autonomy, survey findings show that boards are exposed to external and internal pressures and interference in their deliberations. Thus, the assumption that ‘the greater the autonomy the more efficient the management’ is questioned. The main sources of pressure on board members are from the regulated sectors themselves. These findings have an important bearing on democracy and the political–administrative interface, as it is confronted by market forces. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

农产品价格上涨与农民增收

2007年以来，农产品价格上涨，农民收入并未有效增加，在物价高涨的情况下，如何保障农民的收入的增加，是我们需要面对的问题，我们要从加大对农民的直补，加强农民专业合作组织建设，加强农产品市场建设等方面努力解决问题。     

有限国家责任说——构建刑事被害人国家补偿制度的主要理论基础

为了保护被害人权益，化解社会不稳定因素，国内学者纷纷呼吁，参照其他国家的先进理论构建我国刑事被害人国家补偿制度。为了使作为被害人补偿制度的理论依据——国家责任说更有科学性和说服力，宜对国家责任说的理论基础——社会契约理论进行推理和择取。结合社会契约理论，应以有限国家责任说和社会保险说为理论依据，建立我国的刑事被害人国家补偿制度。     

Deconstructing the myth of the Tatar Yoke

Analysing and comparing the various conventional and revisionist narratives on what is known as the ‘Tatar Yoke’, this article aims to show that Western historiography has long been critical of the dominant negative view on the Tatar–Mongol rule over Russian principalities and that in Russia we find similar revisions in history – with some exceptions – only in post-Soviet times. This article aims to demonstrate how the revisionist views on the Tatar–Mongol rule contributed to the political and cultural transformation of contemporary Russia. In the part which analyses the revisionist discourse in Russia the emphasis lies on the new Tatar narrative. For Tatars the new interpretation of the Tatar–Mongol rule is of outstanding importance because it functions as a means to enhance Tatar national pride, and it contributes to Tatarstan's sovereignty project.