学习化社会中的成人教育模式

成人教育是学习化社会的实现途径、终身教育体系中不可或缺的重要部分 ;成人教育的发展有赖于包括目标模式、组织与机构模式和课程模式等多层面的发展模式的有效组织与实施。     

构建社会主义和谐社会是一项战略任务

构建社会主义和谐社会,对于积极推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业,全面建设小康社会具有重要的理论和实践意义。必须把构建社会主义和谐社会作为一项重要的战略任务来落实,集中全社会之力,多方协调共同建设,形成促进社会和谐的强大合力。     

脑络欣通对大脑中动脉阻塞再灌注模型大鼠神经干细胞增殖分化的影响

目的 观察脑络欣通对大脑中动脉阻塞再灌注（middle cerebral artery occlusion-reperfusion,MCAO-R）模型大鼠神经干细胞增殖分化的影响。方法 采用线栓法复制MCAO-R大鼠模型,将30只健康雄性SD大鼠随机分成假手术组、模型组和给药组。分别采用神经功能评分和TTC染色鉴定模型大鼠的神经功能缺损和脑缺血面积,采用免疫荧光染色法观察大鼠海马CA1、CA2、CA3、齿状回（dentate gyrus,DG）区巢蛋白（Nestin）和神经丝蛋白-H（hypophosphorylated neurofilament-H,NF-H）表达水平。结果 给药组Nestin阳性表达主要发生在DG区,NF-H阳性表达主要发生在CA3区。脑络欣通促进神经干细胞增殖的作用在DG、CA1、CA2、CA3区均十分明显,以DG区尤为突出,促进神经干细胞分化的作用主要表现在CA3、DG、CA2、CA1区。与模型组比较,给药组大鼠海马各区的Nestin、NF-H阳性细胞均明显增多,差异具有统计学意义（P＜0.05）。结论 脑络欣通具有促进海马区神经干细胞增殖并分化为神经细胞的作用。     

论中国-东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制及其完善

中国—东盟自由贸易区始建于2002年《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》的签署,按照规划将于2010年建成,它是一个包括11个成员国的区域经济一体化组织。本文考察了中国—东盟自由贸易区与其他自由贸易区的法律模式,并对其利弊得失作了恰如其分的比较,在此基础上分析了以2005年生效的《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议争端解决机制协议》为基础的中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的优点和存在的缺陷,探究了欧盟和北美自由贸易区的争端解决机制,提炼出可供借鉴的合理成分和可取之处,在总结归纳的同时,提出了完善和改进中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的具体建议和设想。     

Development as recolonization: the political ecology of the Endosulphan disaster in Kasargod,India

This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod.     

In Search of Master Negotiators: A Negotiation Competency Model

Over the last four decades, the field of negotiation has become a fully recognized academic discipline around the world and negotiation courses and competitions have become increasingly popular. Although it is believed that negotiators may be trained and that negotiation is a skill that can be taught and evaluated, the question of how to assess negotiation performance systematically and comprehensively remains largely unanswered. This article proposes a negotiation competency model for evaluating negotiation performance. The model includes a set of selected negotiation competencies together with proficiency levels and their behavioral indicators. Our goal is to help scholars design more effective negotiation courses and fairer negotiation competitions, improve negotiation pedagogy, and train negotiators who are well prepared to handle conflicts in our increasingly complex society.     

中东欧国家与冷战后北约的新变化

冷战结束后,北约并未因对手的消失而瓦解,而是通过扩大组织、出台新战略和实施新行动找到生存依据并获得新的发展。在北约的新扩大、新战略和新行动中,中东欧国家不管是主动参与还是被动接受,都起到了不可低估的作用。中东欧国家的加入令北约成员国从16个增至30个,拓展了北约的疆域。东欧剧变带来的国际局势的变化,特别是前南斯拉夫地区发生的战争促使北约提出新的战略概念,波黑战争、科索沃战争和马其顿危机更是成为北约新战略的试验场。中东欧国家参与了北约在波黑、科索沃、阿富汗和伊拉克的行动以及乌克兰危机发生后针对俄罗斯的军事部署,做出独有的贡献。同时,中东欧国家的加入也给北约在决策效率、行动能力、责任分担和价值观方面带来新的挑战。不过,由于中东欧国家的军事力量和国家实力有限,在北约内部的影响力不大,这些挑战不足以危及北约的生存。     

我国犯罪构成体系的模式选择

我国犯罪构成体系在体系结构上与司法实践存在着严重背离的现象。将独立的违法性判断引入犯罪构成体系,是扭转这一局面的根本途径。这就要求我们对现行的犯罪构成体系进行彻底重构。在模式的选择上,引入大陆法系三阶层的犯罪构成体系是向“法治国”迈进的必然选择。     

金融危机下中东欧转型模式再评估

新兴市场国家经济与政治体制转型是转型问题研究的焦点,而中东欧国家的转型模式也作为一个范例持续得到来自理论和实证研究上的关注.本研究以金融危机发生、演化为背景,旨在检测金融危机背景下中东欧国家的整体经济表现与金融市场表现,并通过分析对国际学术界公认的"转型优等生"中东欧国家的转型模式进行再评估和反思.     

Does European defence really matter? Fortunes and misfortunes of the Common Security and Defence Policy

This article examines how the defence component of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been revisited over the last few years. It argues that while the CSDP has grown predominantly as a security – rather than defence – policy, the latest developments that include the creation of a military headquarter, the launching of a Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the new role for the European Commission in defence funding, attest to an evolution towards a more central EU defence policy. In the meantime, the article points to some structural impediments to the materialisation of European defence. The momentum says little about the form and finality of military operations that EU states will have to conduct so as to give a meaning to defence in a European context. Moreover, persisting divergences in the EU member states’ respective strategic cultures and institutional preferences – notably vis-à-vis NATO – are likely to continue to constrain European defence self-assertion.